Daily News Summary
They're too young to vote, but they're old enough to care
Riverdale Press
Feb. 28, 2021
Too young to vote, but certainly ready to ask the tough questions among a group of people looking to become the area's next member of the city council.
That's exactly what happened during a virtual town hall last week hosted by SAR High School's elections, politics and governance club. Not only did it provide yet another forum to see exactly where the candidates for a March 23 special election stood, but it also previewed what our future leaders are going to look like.
Eytan Saenger and Tyler Fischman founded the EPG Club as a place for fellow students to discuss politics and policy with a non-partisan focus.
"When our friends talk about politics, it usually very quickly devolves into a screaming match," Fischman, an SAR junior, said. "People are obviously very impassioned, but I think both of us saw that in the offices of government. Everyone there just kind of wants to do the best for their constituency. And there's so much that government does that aren't the several hot button issues of the day."
While young people might have a more future-oriented outlook on important issues like health care and climate change, many of the questions raised at last week's town hall were more about the present — one where living in the midst of the coronavirus pandemic remains a reality.
Aptly, the town hall began with a few questions about education. Jessica Haller, an SAR mom herself, used the school to illustrate the deep divide between the pandemic's impact on public versus private education. She recalled the day last year when the pandemic closed SAR.
"We all got a text that SAR was closed, and the next day, Avi Bloom made it so that you were all up and learning on Zoom," Haller said. "Schools like SAR have the ability to show us the art of what's possible. We now need to take the responsibility of making sure every kid across the city has access to technology and broadband … so that they don't fall further behind."
But that's easier said than done for public schools, many of which don't have the same kind of resources that institutions like SAR have. That was something pointed out by one of Haller's opponents in the special election, Dan Padernacht.
"We need to essentially start speaking to the school administrators and the teachers within the schools in our district to figure out what exactly our local schools need," the Kingsbridge Heights real estate attorney said. "We need to make sure that (students) are getting Wi-Fi to be learning at home immediately. And that's an essential service that we need."
Eric Dinowitz had a front-row seat to the detrimental effects the pandemic had on his students.
Much of the former public school teacher's ire was directed toward Mayor Bill de Blasio, who Dinowitz believes must be held accountable for a lack of planning and communication with school communities.
"We can't support our children on a computer," Dinowitz said. "As we reopen, it has to be done safely. We have to prioritize our younger children. We have to prioritize children with special needs (and) English language-learners. And we have to stop using this one-size-fits-all model and pretending that all children and all schools are the same."
But education wasn't the only topic SAR's students were interested in. Many had questions about the economic impact of the pandemic, wondering how the city will bounce back, and if and when it would do that.
Mino Lora believes building up the artistic community is a way to bring the city's economy back, along with continued protections for essential workers.
"Billions of dollars are generated through our arts and culture sector, and also the vibrancy of the trauma that all of us as New Yorkers have experienced," the non-profit executive director said. "I think really putting our artists back to work — our gig workers and nighttime (workers) back to work once it's safe — is going to be a very important part of building up the economy."
Haller offered an optimistic promise to SAR's students: While it might take a while for the economy to come back in full swing, she believed it would happen. After all, it was déjà vu from another city crisis.
"We are going to come back," Haller said. "Those of us who were here during 9/11 and felt the same way: New York City bounced back."
While the March 23 electoral landscape might be unique in and of itself, it also will be one of the first city elections to utilize ranked-choice voting. Most of the candidates stated their support for the new process, saying it leveled the playing field and served as a check against incumbency and name recognition — sentiments seemingly directed against one candidate in particular, Eric Dinowitz, who is the son of Assemblyman Jeffrey Dinowitz.
And since the voting process was a bit different this time around, the EPG Club asked each of the candidates who they'd select as their second-choice candidate. Lora and Haller once again named each other, while retired police detective Carlton Berkley chose Padernacht. Kevin Pazmino — the lone conservative in the race — said he was undecided, but was leaning toward either Padernacht or Berkley.
Padernacht also was undecided, while Dinowitz sidestepped the question.
Saenger believes getting involved in politics — or at least learning about it — is very important for young people. While teens like him might not be able to vote, they don't live in a vacuum either. It's important to know what policies are out there, and how those policies might affect them.
"A good percentage of the population is under 18, and the decisions made in government affect them," Saenger said ahead of the forum. "Decisions about education can't just be impacted by 40-year-olds, 50-year-olds and older people. They have to be impacted by the students who want to see different changes."
Racking up all the endorsements
Feb. 28, 2021
Too young to vote, but certainly ready to ask the tough questions among a group of people looking to become the area's next member of the city council.
That's exactly what happened during a virtual town hall last week hosted by SAR High School's elections, politics and governance club. Not only did it provide yet another forum to see exactly where the candidates for a March 23 special election stood, but it also previewed what our future leaders are going to look like.
Eytan Saenger and Tyler Fischman founded the EPG Club as a place for fellow students to discuss politics and policy with a non-partisan focus.
"When our friends talk about politics, it usually very quickly devolves into a screaming match," Fischman, an SAR junior, said. "People are obviously very impassioned, but I think both of us saw that in the offices of government. Everyone there just kind of wants to do the best for their constituency. And there's so much that government does that aren't the several hot button issues of the day."
While young people might have a more future-oriented outlook on important issues like health care and climate change, many of the questions raised at last week's town hall were more about the present — one where living in the midst of the coronavirus pandemic remains a reality.
Aptly, the town hall began with a few questions about education. Jessica Haller, an SAR mom herself, used the school to illustrate the deep divide between the pandemic's impact on public versus private education. She recalled the day last year when the pandemic closed SAR.
"We all got a text that SAR was closed, and the next day, Avi Bloom made it so that you were all up and learning on Zoom," Haller said. "Schools like SAR have the ability to show us the art of what's possible. We now need to take the responsibility of making sure every kid across the city has access to technology and broadband … so that they don't fall further behind."
But that's easier said than done for public schools, many of which don't have the same kind of resources that institutions like SAR have. That was something pointed out by one of Haller's opponents in the special election, Dan Padernacht.
"We need to essentially start speaking to the school administrators and the teachers within the schools in our district to figure out what exactly our local schools need," the Kingsbridge Heights real estate attorney said. "We need to make sure that (students) are getting Wi-Fi to be learning at home immediately. And that's an essential service that we need."
Eric Dinowitz had a front-row seat to the detrimental effects the pandemic had on his students.
Much of the former public school teacher's ire was directed toward Mayor Bill de Blasio, who Dinowitz believes must be held accountable for a lack of planning and communication with school communities.
"We can't support our children on a computer," Dinowitz said. "As we reopen, it has to be done safely. We have to prioritize our younger children. We have to prioritize children with special needs (and) English language-learners. And we have to stop using this one-size-fits-all model and pretending that all children and all schools are the same."
But education wasn't the only topic SAR's students were interested in. Many had questions about the economic impact of the pandemic, wondering how the city will bounce back, and if and when it would do that.
Mino Lora believes building up the artistic community is a way to bring the city's economy back, along with continued protections for essential workers.
"Billions of dollars are generated through our arts and culture sector, and also the vibrancy of the trauma that all of us as New Yorkers have experienced," the non-profit executive director said. "I think really putting our artists back to work — our gig workers and nighttime (workers) back to work once it's safe — is going to be a very important part of building up the economy."
Haller offered an optimistic promise to SAR's students: While it might take a while for the economy to come back in full swing, she believed it would happen. After all, it was déjà vu from another city crisis.
"We are going to come back," Haller said. "Those of us who were here during 9/11 and felt the same way: New York City bounced back."
While the March 23 electoral landscape might be unique in and of itself, it also will be one of the first city elections to utilize ranked-choice voting. Most of the candidates stated their support for the new process, saying it leveled the playing field and served as a check against incumbency and name recognition — sentiments seemingly directed against one candidate in particular, Eric Dinowitz, who is the son of Assemblyman Jeffrey Dinowitz.
And since the voting process was a bit different this time around, the EPG Club asked each of the candidates who they'd select as their second-choice candidate. Lora and Haller once again named each other, while retired police detective Carlton Berkley chose Padernacht. Kevin Pazmino — the lone conservative in the race — said he was undecided, but was leaning toward either Padernacht or Berkley.
Padernacht also was undecided, while Dinowitz sidestepped the question.
Saenger believes getting involved in politics — or at least learning about it — is very important for young people. While teens like him might not be able to vote, they don't live in a vacuum either. It's important to know what policies are out there, and how those policies might affect them.
"A good percentage of the population is under 18, and the decisions made in government affect them," Saenger said ahead of the forum. "Decisions about education can't just be impacted by 40-year-olds, 50-year-olds and older people. They have to be impacted by the students who want to see different changes."
Racking up all the endorsements
Riverdale Press
Feb. 28
With the March 23 city council special election race just around the corner, it seems just about everybody is looking to get their voice in on which candidate they're supporting. So it should be no surprise that there have been a flood of endorsements in recent weeks.
The most recent has come by way of former city council Speaker Melissa Mark-Viverito, who is backing Jessica Haller to replace to Andrew Cohen on the city council.
"Jessica has the skills to lead our city toward a more just and equitable future," Mark-Viverito said, in a release. She'll "help ensure that all women — including women of color, and LGBTQ women — have a passionate advocate representing their needs on the city council."
Haller also picked up the endorsement of the Jim Owles Liberal Democratic Club for her "passion and drive to implement progressive policies around climate change, economic recovery and affordable housing," according to club president Allen Roskoff, in a release.
Abigail Martin isn't running in the special election, but she and Mino Lora — who is up for March 23 — have won the endorsement of NYC Kids PAC, based on their support for public schools.
All of the declared candidates in both races so far took the survey, except for Carlton Berkley and Kevin Pazmino. Martin was the PAC's first choice, with Mino earning the group's second slot.
Eric Dinowitz didn't get the NYC Kids PAC nod, but the former teacher is racking up union endorsements. He picked up three more last week from 32BJ SEIU, DC37 and the Hotel Trades Council.
32BJ is a property service workers union representing more than 175,000 members across the northeast and Florida. DC37 is the city's largest public employee union representing 200,000 people, while HTC represents 40,000 hospitality employees across the state.
Dinowitz slso received the endorsement of the Uniformed Firefighters Association of Greater New York-FDNY, as well as Uniformed EMTs, Paramedics and Fire Inspectors Local 2507.
Mayoral Candidates Call for Cuomo Investigation; Some Broach Removal
Feb. 28
With the March 23 city council special election race just around the corner, it seems just about everybody is looking to get their voice in on which candidate they're supporting. So it should be no surprise that there have been a flood of endorsements in recent weeks.
The most recent has come by way of former city council Speaker Melissa Mark-Viverito, who is backing Jessica Haller to replace to Andrew Cohen on the city council.
"Jessica has the skills to lead our city toward a more just and equitable future," Mark-Viverito said, in a release. She'll "help ensure that all women — including women of color, and LGBTQ women — have a passionate advocate representing their needs on the city council."
Haller also picked up the endorsement of the Jim Owles Liberal Democratic Club for her "passion and drive to implement progressive policies around climate change, economic recovery and affordable housing," according to club president Allen Roskoff, in a release.
Abigail Martin isn't running in the special election, but she and Mino Lora — who is up for March 23 — have won the endorsement of NYC Kids PAC, based on their support for public schools.
All of the declared candidates in both races so far took the survey, except for Carlton Berkley and Kevin Pazmino. Martin was the PAC's first choice, with Mino earning the group's second slot.
Eric Dinowitz didn't get the NYC Kids PAC nod, but the former teacher is racking up union endorsements. He picked up three more last week from 32BJ SEIU, DC37 and the Hotel Trades Council.
32BJ is a property service workers union representing more than 175,000 members across the northeast and Florida. DC37 is the city's largest public employee union representing 200,000 people, while HTC represents 40,000 hospitality employees across the state.
Dinowitz slso received the endorsement of the Uniformed Firefighters Association of Greater New York-FDNY, as well as Uniformed EMTs, Paramedics and Fire Inspectors Local 2507.
Mayoral Candidates Call for Cuomo Investigation; Some Broach Removal
City Limits
Feb. 28, 2021
Several New York City mayoral candidates on Saturday night joined the call for an independent investigation of the allegations of sexual harassment and abuse of power by Governor Cuomo, with at least three of them raising the possibility that the governor might leave office.
The campaigns were reacting to an evening New York Times story that a former staffer, Charlotte Bennett, had accused the governor of inappropriate behavior, just days after another former aide, Lindsey Boylan, accused Cuomo of harassing and kissing her. The governor has denied both women's allegations and called for an independent probe.
Those accusations of sexual misconduct are part of a broader crisis for the governor concerning his handling of nursing homes during the COVID-19 crisis, lack of transparency over nursing home deaths and behavior toward other officials like Assemblyman Ron Kim. Another former aide, Karen Hinton, and a journalist, Morgan Pehme, have come forward to accuse the governor of bullying and vindictive behavior.
"I ask all New Yorkers to await the findings of the review so that they know the facts before making any judgements," Cuomo said in a statement on Saturday evening.
Dianne Morales—who had called for Cuomo's impeachment earlier in the week after Boylan came forward—suggested that there is little need to wait.
"We must believe survivors. I stand alongside Lindsey Boylan, Charlotte Bennett, Karen Hinton, Morgan Pehme, lawmakers, and everyone who has spoken out against the abuse they've suffered at the hands of Governor Cuomo. He has left deep scars and trauma on those around him," Morales, a nonprofit executive, said in a statement. While she backed calls for an independent investigation, Morales reiterated her support for impeachment. "Governor Cuomo should not be allowed to ruin any more lives. It's time to build a better future for New York City and New York State."
Comptroller Scott Stringer said the behavior alleged by Boylan and Bennett "is disgusting and absolutely unacceptable" and praised them for coming forward. "I continue to support a thorough and truly independent investigation of the governor's conduct, and if it supports these serious and credible allegations, Governor Cuomo must resign."
Brooklyn Councilmember Carlos Menchaca had called for Cuomo's resignation on Feb. 19, amid the spiraling nursing-home saga and before the sexual misconduct allegations surfaced. He reiterated that call this weekend. (Ironically, Menchaca had asked Cuomo to remove Mayor Bill de Blasio from office in June over his handling of COVID-19.)
While Kathryn Garcia, the former sanitation commissioner, did not explicitly mention impeachment or resignation, she did raise the prospect of consequences for the man who, a few months ago, was one of the most popular politicians in the country. Calling for a "fully independent and fully transparent investigation…into the allegations and the workplace environment in Albany." Garcia added, "We must not only listen, but take allegations seriously and take the appropriate action swiftly."
Tech entrepreneur and former presidential candidate Andrew Yang also indicated that an investigation was just the beginning of potential action. "Anyone who has experienced sexual harassment in any situation should feel empowered to step forward and know they can share the truth of their experiences without fear or retaliation. Albany must show they take all allegations seriously through action," Yang said. "That starts with an aggressive independent investigation and an acknowledgment that harassment has no place in public service."
Former mayoral counsel Maya Wiley widened the spotlight to include people around Cuomo. "Senior officials in the governor's office were aware of his behavior and the only response is a transfer to another wing of the capitol. The failure to protect these women goes beyond the governor and appears to include senior team members that surround him," Wiley's statement read. "Their behavior is unprofessional, unethical, and most certainly discriminatory. What happened to these complaints? Why was no further action taken? How many other times has this happened?"
Other candidates confined themselves to a call for investigations.
Eric Adams, the Brooklyn borough president, tweeted: "To restore faith in our government and get the answers New Yorkers deserve, there must be a truly independent investigation into these troubling reports."
"Survivors deserved to be heard, especially when they come forward with credible allegations of sexual harassment and misconduct. This is even more important when the person being accused of such gross misconduct is an elected representative of the people," said Shaun Donovan, the former city housing commissioner and Obama administration official. "I will always stand with survivors, and a fully independent investigation of these allegations must be carried out immediately."
The mounting allegations against Cuomo introduce an unexpected dynamic into the mayor's race—where some candidates might once have hoped to attract the governor's support—and, more important, to the political landscape on which the next mayor will operate.
A few weeks ago, it seemed very likely that Cuomo, having had a very tense relationship with de Blasio throughout the mayor's tenure, would win election to a fourth term in 2022 and remain in power for the majority if not the entirety of the next mayor's term in office.
Now, should he avoid being forced from office, Cuomo's ability to stand for or win reelection next year is in some doubt—which also means an uncertain future for Democratic dominance in Albany, where Cuomo's party now controls all three statewide offices and both houses of the legislature.
Mayoral candidates were not the only ones weighing in on next steps Saturday. Assembly Speaker Carl Heastie said, "A truly independent investigation is warranted." State Republican Chairman Nick Langworthy said, "We have an independently elected AG for a reason—Attorney General Tish James needs to do her job."
What to Ask Mayoral Candidates Who Say They Can Solve NYC's Housing Crisis
Feb. 28, 2021
Several New York City mayoral candidates on Saturday night joined the call for an independent investigation of the allegations of sexual harassment and abuse of power by Governor Cuomo, with at least three of them raising the possibility that the governor might leave office.
The campaigns were reacting to an evening New York Times story that a former staffer, Charlotte Bennett, had accused the governor of inappropriate behavior, just days after another former aide, Lindsey Boylan, accused Cuomo of harassing and kissing her. The governor has denied both women's allegations and called for an independent probe.
Those accusations of sexual misconduct are part of a broader crisis for the governor concerning his handling of nursing homes during the COVID-19 crisis, lack of transparency over nursing home deaths and behavior toward other officials like Assemblyman Ron Kim. Another former aide, Karen Hinton, and a journalist, Morgan Pehme, have come forward to accuse the governor of bullying and vindictive behavior.
"I ask all New Yorkers to await the findings of the review so that they know the facts before making any judgements," Cuomo said in a statement on Saturday evening.
Dianne Morales—who had called for Cuomo's impeachment earlier in the week after Boylan came forward—suggested that there is little need to wait.
"We must believe survivors. I stand alongside Lindsey Boylan, Charlotte Bennett, Karen Hinton, Morgan Pehme, lawmakers, and everyone who has spoken out against the abuse they've suffered at the hands of Governor Cuomo. He has left deep scars and trauma on those around him," Morales, a nonprofit executive, said in a statement. While she backed calls for an independent investigation, Morales reiterated her support for impeachment. "Governor Cuomo should not be allowed to ruin any more lives. It's time to build a better future for New York City and New York State."
Comptroller Scott Stringer said the behavior alleged by Boylan and Bennett "is disgusting and absolutely unacceptable" and praised them for coming forward. "I continue to support a thorough and truly independent investigation of the governor's conduct, and if it supports these serious and credible allegations, Governor Cuomo must resign."
Brooklyn Councilmember Carlos Menchaca had called for Cuomo's resignation on Feb. 19, amid the spiraling nursing-home saga and before the sexual misconduct allegations surfaced. He reiterated that call this weekend. (Ironically, Menchaca had asked Cuomo to remove Mayor Bill de Blasio from office in June over his handling of COVID-19.)
While Kathryn Garcia, the former sanitation commissioner, did not explicitly mention impeachment or resignation, she did raise the prospect of consequences for the man who, a few months ago, was one of the most popular politicians in the country. Calling for a "fully independent and fully transparent investigation…into the allegations and the workplace environment in Albany." Garcia added, "We must not only listen, but take allegations seriously and take the appropriate action swiftly."
Tech entrepreneur and former presidential candidate Andrew Yang also indicated that an investigation was just the beginning of potential action. "Anyone who has experienced sexual harassment in any situation should feel empowered to step forward and know they can share the truth of their experiences without fear or retaliation. Albany must show they take all allegations seriously through action," Yang said. "That starts with an aggressive independent investigation and an acknowledgment that harassment has no place in public service."
Former mayoral counsel Maya Wiley widened the spotlight to include people around Cuomo. "Senior officials in the governor's office were aware of his behavior and the only response is a transfer to another wing of the capitol. The failure to protect these women goes beyond the governor and appears to include senior team members that surround him," Wiley's statement read. "Their behavior is unprofessional, unethical, and most certainly discriminatory. What happened to these complaints? Why was no further action taken? How many other times has this happened?"
Other candidates confined themselves to a call for investigations.
Eric Adams, the Brooklyn borough president, tweeted: "To restore faith in our government and get the answers New Yorkers deserve, there must be a truly independent investigation into these troubling reports."
"Survivors deserved to be heard, especially when they come forward with credible allegations of sexual harassment and misconduct. This is even more important when the person being accused of such gross misconduct is an elected representative of the people," said Shaun Donovan, the former city housing commissioner and Obama administration official. "I will always stand with survivors, and a fully independent investigation of these allegations must be carried out immediately."
The mounting allegations against Cuomo introduce an unexpected dynamic into the mayor's race—where some candidates might once have hoped to attract the governor's support—and, more important, to the political landscape on which the next mayor will operate.
A few weeks ago, it seemed very likely that Cuomo, having had a very tense relationship with de Blasio throughout the mayor's tenure, would win election to a fourth term in 2022 and remain in power for the majority if not the entirety of the next mayor's term in office.
Now, should he avoid being forced from office, Cuomo's ability to stand for or win reelection next year is in some doubt—which also means an uncertain future for Democratic dominance in Albany, where Cuomo's party now controls all three statewide offices and both houses of the legislature.
Mayoral candidates were not the only ones weighing in on next steps Saturday. Assembly Speaker Carl Heastie said, "A truly independent investigation is warranted." State Republican Chairman Nick Langworthy said, "We have an independently elected AG for a reason—Attorney General Tish James needs to do her job."
What to Ask Mayoral Candidates Who Say They Can Solve NYC's Housing Crisis
City Limits
Mar. 1, 2021
Many of the people running for mayor have a plan to deal with the city's housing problem. Trouble is, no one knows exactly what kind of housing problem the city will be facing come Jan. 1, 2022.
Will accumulating rent debt lead to widespread evictions once the moratorium is lifted and drive thousands of families into homeless shelters? Will withheld rent lead to severe maintenance problems or foreclosures in multifamily housing? Will hotels and commercial landlords go belly up, creating potential new space for housing? Will the city's population stagnate or fall, or resume its upward rise? How much help—short-term and over the longer haul—will the Biden administration actually provide?
What we do know is this: As was the case before the pandemic, the city will have a severe housing crisis that has tens of thousands of households paying unsustainably high shares of their income in rent and tens of thousands of others living in homeless shelters.
Boiled down to its essentials, that's the same situation that confronted Mayor Michael Bloomberg when he unveiled a very modest 65,000-unit housing plan in 2002, when Bloomberg expanded that plan to 165,000 units during his 2005 re-election campaign, when Bill de Blasio pledged 200,000 units in 2014 or when de Blasio expanded it to 300,000 during his 2017 re-election campaign.
Even if the broad outlines of the problem in 2021 are similar to what existed a generation ago, the stakes are higher, reflected in the huge numbers of homeless on streets and in shelters. And there has been an evolution in consensus on how to address it. "I feel like there's so many things that have completely shifted," says Rachel Fee, the executive director of the New York Housing Conference. "The tenant movement is so much more powerful. The tie-in to racial equity is so much more clear. All of the politics leaning so much more progressive has completely shifted the conversation."
That's translated into almost universal acknowledgement that simply promising affordable housing isn't enough: Pols need to talk about income levels, about community engagement. "Some of that is de Blasio backlash," Fee says. "But some of that is the development community. They've looked at how the rezonings have gone. They've looked at resistance even to affordable housing, and they've said, 'OK, we get that communities are only going to accept housing that is serving people who live there.' There've been very big shifts in terms of baseline expectations."
Those shifts are reflected in the platform of United for Housing, a coalition of advocacy and developer groups that the Housing Conference convened. The plan is centered around massive spending, a commitment to racial equity, priority attention to NYCHA, integrating homeless policy within the housing plan, talking about homeownership as well as rentals and supporting not just capital spending but also the provision of rental assistance.
UFH is meeting with each mayoral candidate to see if they endorse the plan; so far, Fee says, all five candidates who have sat down have agreed to it. That unanimity is good news for UFH, and maybe for the city if the next mayor keeps their campaign promises, but it doesn't help voters who see housing as a key issue and want to differentiate among the mayoral hopefuls.
Based on conversations with several housing experts, here is a baker's dozen of big questions New York City voters should be asking when candidates roll out their housing plans.
What did de Blasio get right? Virtually since the moment he became mayor it's been a popular past-time to mock de Blasio for … well, everything. There was a lot wrong with his approach to housing (see below) but he did put a hell of a lot of money into his housing plan, tweak it midstream and—yes—do a good deal for NYCHA. He didn't do enough, but de Blasio stepped in where previous mayors had shrunk back and put serious money into a system that the state and feds had shortchanged for decades. Candidates ought to acknowledge that—not to make de Blasio feel better, but to show voters they know where there is progress worth building upon.
Is it one big plan, or lots of little buckets? One mistake de Blasio made—as other mayors had before him—was to separate his plan for subsidizing the creation or preservation of privately owned affordable housing from his plan for NYCHA and from his plan(s) to address homelessness. While each issue has unique features, they are all inextricably linked; there's even an argument to be made that the city should have ensured the preservation of NYCHA before building a single new unit of other housing. The 2021 candidates are likely to speak holistically about these issues, but do their plans really braid the policy strands together?
Do they talk money, or unit count? From the get-go, advocates were worried that de Blasio's 200,000 unit target would do the same thing Bloomberg's big number did: Elevate quantity of units over the type of affordability being achieved, and get us too many middle-income units, or one-bedroom apartments, or new buildings sited in neighborhoods with the cheapest land regardless of local market dynamics. UFH is asking candidates to invest $4 billion a year in housing, which is massive. How they plan to spend that money is the first question; then, unit counts are worth thinking about. And whether their plans depend on fickle state or federal support is another thing to look at.
Does it center homelessness, and is it holistic? Any housing plan that treats homelessness as an "and while we're at it…" consideration risks repeating de Blasio's political and policy mistakes, while also ignoring his era's real successes. Homelessness is the human epicenter of the housing crisis and de Blasio's failure to prioritize solving homelessness was a huge flaw in his housing plan, one that registered deep human costs. At the same time, policies like de Blasio's rental vouchers, the Council's right-to-counsel bill and Albany's rent-regulation changes had reduced the number of families in the shelter system significantly by the time COVID hit. The eviction ban has depressed the numbers further, but that could change radically when the ban is lifted. And the fact is, families with kids still represent the majority of people in shelters. Meanwhile, the number of singles in the shelters keeps exploding. Addressing homelessness—and particularly family homelessness—requires a three-legged stool: more pathways to permanent housing, real steps to make shelter life more bearable and sustained attention to the social stresses (domestic violence, low wages and more) that drive women of color into the shelter system. That's a lot to ask candidates. But 16,843—the number of children in the system as of Feb. 25—is a lot of kids.
How will they approach rezonings? De Blasio immolated a lot of his political capital pursuing a small number of neighborhood rezonings based on the presumed willingness of local pols to accept the plans, as opposed to systematically adjusting growth capacity across the city based on where space and infrastructure aligned. Even if the Council approves a comprehensive planning system, the next mayor will have a role in operating it. How will they approach the question of where and how to rezone, and how will community voices be meaningfully included in developing those plans?
What's their approach to income mixing? De Blasio's plan controversially devoted a lot of money to building or preserving units for moderate- and middle-income groups that faced less dire market conditions than lower-income people; this was sometimes reflected in the difficulties the city had attracting people to enter the lotteries for those pricier "affordable" units. Some candidates still embrace mixed-income subsidies because they fear that to focus only on "the low end" will reinforce segregation, although there might be other ways to achieve social integration than subsidizing apartments at 130 percent AMI. Other candidates will pledge to only subsidize low-income housing, but that typically means producing fewer units.
How will they save NYCHA? There are misgivings about PACT, RAD and the other novel financial mechanisms NYCHA is adopting or exploring as it tries to deal with a huge maintenance backlog and the hangover from years of all-government fiscal neglect. Candidates who share those misgivings have an obligation to explain what they want to do instead—and simply expecting Washington or Albany to resume their support for public housing over the long-term is not realistic. It's possible, and it's principled, but it simply can't be counted on.
Do they commit to homeownership? De Blasio's housing plan was notable for how little attention it paid to fostering low-income homeownership, an important component of the city's affordable housing universe since the 1980s. In some ways, that's understandable: New York is a renter's city, and homeownership programs usually don't help the lowest-income households, can be fairly capital intensive, and raise tricky questions about how to let owners build wealth without using today's city funds to create tomorrow's unaffordable housing. But given the growing concern about the racial wealth gap and the increasing investor activity in one- and two-family homes, valid housing plans probably have to do something substantial on homeownership—and specifically, on the supply of affordable ownership opportunities. All the down-payment assistance and homeowner training classes in the world are just a cruel joke if there's nothing out there to buy.
What do they say about segregation? To de Blasio's credit, even when the Trump administration pulled back from the Obama-era's Affirmatively Furthering Fair Housing push, the mayor put together they city's own process for looking at the drivers and impacts of residential segregation and ways to reduce it. The timing of the report (late in the mayor's tenure and in the midst of a pandemic) was not fortuitous. The next mayor should probably take a look at that plan, and talk about what she or he will do if the city loses the still-pending community preference lawsuit and needs to come up with a new mechanism for ensuring local support for housing without exacerbating segregation.
Do they have a plan for property taxes? On its face, the city's deeply unequal property tax system might not seem like an affordable housing policy topic. But moderate-income homeowners and low-income renters are among those most affected by the current tax structure, which hits multifamily buildings harder than houses, and gives breaks to houses in hot neighborhoods over homes in areas where values rise gradually. Leveling the playing field will create winners and losers, unless the city plans to reduce the overall revenue from the tax. What's more, the impact of COVID-19 on real-estate values could wreak havoc with the shares of revenue that, by state law, must come from different types of property. So, Ms. or Mr. Would-Be-Mayor, watchagondobout that?
What role do they see CLTs playing? Community land trusts are an exciting idea—a way to ensure that taxpayer subsidies support permanent affordability by developing housing that is controlled by community stakeholders, not private developers. Many candidates have signaled support for the model. But at what scale do they see it operating? What kind of housing will the trusts support? How will the city ensure that the trusts have the skilled management and long-term financial strength that good properties need? Simply saying "I like CLTs" is not a plan.
Do their plans depend on a perpetually growing city? Ever since the 1970s, when a shrinking population was associated with years of urban crisis, a popular theory of progress in New York City has been based on the notion that things are good when the population is growing, and bad when it isn't. Rising Census numbers are treated as both symptom and cause of success. For most of the Bloomberg and de Blasio eras, policies were built around the idea of a steadily rising population: We needed to build more housing to hold all those new people, and the wealthy among them would help us pay for all the other things we want to do. But what if, even after COVID-19 goes away, the city's population doesn't grow? Or what if it does grow, but the people coming to the city are low-income immigrants, not biotech engineers? Is there a vision for how the city might get better without more people moving here? Or as one housing expert said it to City Limits, "What would it mean right now to just say, 'We're going to take this time to focus on creating and bettering our housing stock and our systems for the people who live here now?"
Can they make friends and influence people? In housing, like virtually all municipal policy areas, two things are true: One, the mayor wields massive power. Two, his is not the only power to reckon with. The City Council, state legislature, governor, state authorities, Congress, federal agencies, building trades unions, nonprofit developers, for-profit developers and lenders all have influence on the kind and amount of housing the city is able to preserve or build. What appears to have been one of de Blasio's signal failures as mayor is to consistently build coalitions so he could punch above his weight, thanks largely (though not exclusively) to his diseased relationship with the governor. Whether its getting buy-in for rezonings, changes to the property tax or support for the next urban homeownership initiative, the next mayor is going to need to be able to make more deals. She or he won't be friends with everybody. But they've got to be friends with somebody.
Coalition Calls On NYC Leaders To Kick Cars Off 25 Percent Of City Streets
Mar. 1, 2021
Many of the people running for mayor have a plan to deal with the city's housing problem. Trouble is, no one knows exactly what kind of housing problem the city will be facing come Jan. 1, 2022.
Will accumulating rent debt lead to widespread evictions once the moratorium is lifted and drive thousands of families into homeless shelters? Will withheld rent lead to severe maintenance problems or foreclosures in multifamily housing? Will hotels and commercial landlords go belly up, creating potential new space for housing? Will the city's population stagnate or fall, or resume its upward rise? How much help—short-term and over the longer haul—will the Biden administration actually provide?
What we do know is this: As was the case before the pandemic, the city will have a severe housing crisis that has tens of thousands of households paying unsustainably high shares of their income in rent and tens of thousands of others living in homeless shelters.
Boiled down to its essentials, that's the same situation that confronted Mayor Michael Bloomberg when he unveiled a very modest 65,000-unit housing plan in 2002, when Bloomberg expanded that plan to 165,000 units during his 2005 re-election campaign, when Bill de Blasio pledged 200,000 units in 2014 or when de Blasio expanded it to 300,000 during his 2017 re-election campaign.
Even if the broad outlines of the problem in 2021 are similar to what existed a generation ago, the stakes are higher, reflected in the huge numbers of homeless on streets and in shelters. And there has been an evolution in consensus on how to address it. "I feel like there's so many things that have completely shifted," says Rachel Fee, the executive director of the New York Housing Conference. "The tenant movement is so much more powerful. The tie-in to racial equity is so much more clear. All of the politics leaning so much more progressive has completely shifted the conversation."
That's translated into almost universal acknowledgement that simply promising affordable housing isn't enough: Pols need to talk about income levels, about community engagement. "Some of that is de Blasio backlash," Fee says. "But some of that is the development community. They've looked at how the rezonings have gone. They've looked at resistance even to affordable housing, and they've said, 'OK, we get that communities are only going to accept housing that is serving people who live there.' There've been very big shifts in terms of baseline expectations."
Those shifts are reflected in the platform of United for Housing, a coalition of advocacy and developer groups that the Housing Conference convened. The plan is centered around massive spending, a commitment to racial equity, priority attention to NYCHA, integrating homeless policy within the housing plan, talking about homeownership as well as rentals and supporting not just capital spending but also the provision of rental assistance.
UFH is meeting with each mayoral candidate to see if they endorse the plan; so far, Fee says, all five candidates who have sat down have agreed to it. That unanimity is good news for UFH, and maybe for the city if the next mayor keeps their campaign promises, but it doesn't help voters who see housing as a key issue and want to differentiate among the mayoral hopefuls.
Based on conversations with several housing experts, here is a baker's dozen of big questions New York City voters should be asking when candidates roll out their housing plans.
What did de Blasio get right? Virtually since the moment he became mayor it's been a popular past-time to mock de Blasio for … well, everything. There was a lot wrong with his approach to housing (see below) but he did put a hell of a lot of money into his housing plan, tweak it midstream and—yes—do a good deal for NYCHA. He didn't do enough, but de Blasio stepped in where previous mayors had shrunk back and put serious money into a system that the state and feds had shortchanged for decades. Candidates ought to acknowledge that—not to make de Blasio feel better, but to show voters they know where there is progress worth building upon.
Is it one big plan, or lots of little buckets? One mistake de Blasio made—as other mayors had before him—was to separate his plan for subsidizing the creation or preservation of privately owned affordable housing from his plan for NYCHA and from his plan(s) to address homelessness. While each issue has unique features, they are all inextricably linked; there's even an argument to be made that the city should have ensured the preservation of NYCHA before building a single new unit of other housing. The 2021 candidates are likely to speak holistically about these issues, but do their plans really braid the policy strands together?
Do they talk money, or unit count? From the get-go, advocates were worried that de Blasio's 200,000 unit target would do the same thing Bloomberg's big number did: Elevate quantity of units over the type of affordability being achieved, and get us too many middle-income units, or one-bedroom apartments, or new buildings sited in neighborhoods with the cheapest land regardless of local market dynamics. UFH is asking candidates to invest $4 billion a year in housing, which is massive. How they plan to spend that money is the first question; then, unit counts are worth thinking about. And whether their plans depend on fickle state or federal support is another thing to look at.
Does it center homelessness, and is it holistic? Any housing plan that treats homelessness as an "and while we're at it…" consideration risks repeating de Blasio's political and policy mistakes, while also ignoring his era's real successes. Homelessness is the human epicenter of the housing crisis and de Blasio's failure to prioritize solving homelessness was a huge flaw in his housing plan, one that registered deep human costs. At the same time, policies like de Blasio's rental vouchers, the Council's right-to-counsel bill and Albany's rent-regulation changes had reduced the number of families in the shelter system significantly by the time COVID hit. The eviction ban has depressed the numbers further, but that could change radically when the ban is lifted. And the fact is, families with kids still represent the majority of people in shelters. Meanwhile, the number of singles in the shelters keeps exploding. Addressing homelessness—and particularly family homelessness—requires a three-legged stool: more pathways to permanent housing, real steps to make shelter life more bearable and sustained attention to the social stresses (domestic violence, low wages and more) that drive women of color into the shelter system. That's a lot to ask candidates. But 16,843—the number of children in the system as of Feb. 25—is a lot of kids.
How will they approach rezonings? De Blasio immolated a lot of his political capital pursuing a small number of neighborhood rezonings based on the presumed willingness of local pols to accept the plans, as opposed to systematically adjusting growth capacity across the city based on where space and infrastructure aligned. Even if the Council approves a comprehensive planning system, the next mayor will have a role in operating it. How will they approach the question of where and how to rezone, and how will community voices be meaningfully included in developing those plans?
What's their approach to income mixing? De Blasio's plan controversially devoted a lot of money to building or preserving units for moderate- and middle-income groups that faced less dire market conditions than lower-income people; this was sometimes reflected in the difficulties the city had attracting people to enter the lotteries for those pricier "affordable" units. Some candidates still embrace mixed-income subsidies because they fear that to focus only on "the low end" will reinforce segregation, although there might be other ways to achieve social integration than subsidizing apartments at 130 percent AMI. Other candidates will pledge to only subsidize low-income housing, but that typically means producing fewer units.
How will they save NYCHA? There are misgivings about PACT, RAD and the other novel financial mechanisms NYCHA is adopting or exploring as it tries to deal with a huge maintenance backlog and the hangover from years of all-government fiscal neglect. Candidates who share those misgivings have an obligation to explain what they want to do instead—and simply expecting Washington or Albany to resume their support for public housing over the long-term is not realistic. It's possible, and it's principled, but it simply can't be counted on.
Do they commit to homeownership? De Blasio's housing plan was notable for how little attention it paid to fostering low-income homeownership, an important component of the city's affordable housing universe since the 1980s. In some ways, that's understandable: New York is a renter's city, and homeownership programs usually don't help the lowest-income households, can be fairly capital intensive, and raise tricky questions about how to let owners build wealth without using today's city funds to create tomorrow's unaffordable housing. But given the growing concern about the racial wealth gap and the increasing investor activity in one- and two-family homes, valid housing plans probably have to do something substantial on homeownership—and specifically, on the supply of affordable ownership opportunities. All the down-payment assistance and homeowner training classes in the world are just a cruel joke if there's nothing out there to buy.
What do they say about segregation? To de Blasio's credit, even when the Trump administration pulled back from the Obama-era's Affirmatively Furthering Fair Housing push, the mayor put together they city's own process for looking at the drivers and impacts of residential segregation and ways to reduce it. The timing of the report (late in the mayor's tenure and in the midst of a pandemic) was not fortuitous. The next mayor should probably take a look at that plan, and talk about what she or he will do if the city loses the still-pending community preference lawsuit and needs to come up with a new mechanism for ensuring local support for housing without exacerbating segregation.
Do they have a plan for property taxes? On its face, the city's deeply unequal property tax system might not seem like an affordable housing policy topic. But moderate-income homeowners and low-income renters are among those most affected by the current tax structure, which hits multifamily buildings harder than houses, and gives breaks to houses in hot neighborhoods over homes in areas where values rise gradually. Leveling the playing field will create winners and losers, unless the city plans to reduce the overall revenue from the tax. What's more, the impact of COVID-19 on real-estate values could wreak havoc with the shares of revenue that, by state law, must come from different types of property. So, Ms. or Mr. Would-Be-Mayor, watchagondobout that?
What role do they see CLTs playing? Community land trusts are an exciting idea—a way to ensure that taxpayer subsidies support permanent affordability by developing housing that is controlled by community stakeholders, not private developers. Many candidates have signaled support for the model. But at what scale do they see it operating? What kind of housing will the trusts support? How will the city ensure that the trusts have the skilled management and long-term financial strength that good properties need? Simply saying "I like CLTs" is not a plan.
Do their plans depend on a perpetually growing city? Ever since the 1970s, when a shrinking population was associated with years of urban crisis, a popular theory of progress in New York City has been based on the notion that things are good when the population is growing, and bad when it isn't. Rising Census numbers are treated as both symptom and cause of success. For most of the Bloomberg and de Blasio eras, policies were built around the idea of a steadily rising population: We needed to build more housing to hold all those new people, and the wealthy among them would help us pay for all the other things we want to do. But what if, even after COVID-19 goes away, the city's population doesn't grow? Or what if it does grow, but the people coming to the city are low-income immigrants, not biotech engineers? Is there a vision for how the city might get better without more people moving here? Or as one housing expert said it to City Limits, "What would it mean right now to just say, 'We're going to take this time to focus on creating and bettering our housing stock and our systems for the people who live here now?"
Can they make friends and influence people? In housing, like virtually all municipal policy areas, two things are true: One, the mayor wields massive power. Two, his is not the only power to reckon with. The City Council, state legislature, governor, state authorities, Congress, federal agencies, building trades unions, nonprofit developers, for-profit developers and lenders all have influence on the kind and amount of housing the city is able to preserve or build. What appears to have been one of de Blasio's signal failures as mayor is to consistently build coalitions so he could punch above his weight, thanks largely (though not exclusively) to his diseased relationship with the governor. Whether its getting buy-in for rezonings, changes to the property tax or support for the next urban homeownership initiative, the next mayor is going to need to be able to make more deals. She or he won't be friends with everybody. But they've got to be friends with somebody.
Coalition Calls On NYC Leaders To Kick Cars Off 25 Percent Of City Streets
Gothamist
Mar. 1, 2021
A diverse coalition of more than 80 advocacy groups and nonprofit organizations is asking the next generation of city leaders to imagine what it would take to install 500 more miles of bike lanes, 1,000 miles of year-round open streets, and one block of car-free streets in front of every public school in New York City.
On Monday, the group Transportation Alternatives issued a challenge it calls "NYC 25x25." The advocacy group is asking the next mayor, city council and borough presidents to commit to converting 25% of streets currently used by vehicles into other purposes, by 2025.
"This is a watershed moment for New York City," Danny Harris, executive director of Transportation Alternatives, told Gothamist/WNYC. "We need to look at this intersection of COVID, of racial injustice, economic inequities, and ask some serious questions about the future of our city and our budget and we need a new crop of leaders who are willing to look at streets as an asset, instead of a liability."
The proposals come at a time when the number of candidates running for mayor remains sprawling, and few have distinguished themselves on transportation issues. The debate over how to use street space has intensified during the pandemic after what many consider a successful run of open streets during the pandemic and a boom in cycling, but also a recent uptick in traffic deaths.
Other suggestions from the coalition include adding 19.4 million square feet of bike parking, designated locations on every block long enough for taxis to drop off passengers and for trucks to make deliveries without blocking streets or bike lanes.
The latest proposals have the backing of disparate groups in the city from the tech industry nonprofit Tech:NYC, to the New York Building Congress, and the Institute for Public Architecture.
"Lack of quality transportation options makes it difficult for many of the people in the low-income communities of color we serve to access resources, such as employment, education, good food, and health care, that are needed to be healthy and financially stable," Tracey Capers, executive vice president and chief program officer at the Bedford Stuyvesant Restoration Corporation, wrote in a statement. Her group works with Citibike to get more bike shares into Bedford-Stuyvesant, Brooklyn.
"Likewise, we support the re-allocation of our public spaces, including the creation of more car-free bus lanes and protected bike lanes, to better serve the majority of our residents, who don't own cars," Capers added.
The 127-year old advocacy group the Municipal Arts Society is another organization that backs the expansion of streets for public use. Tara Kelly, the society's vice president of policy and programs, told Gothamist/ WNYC that her group came up with the idea of pedestrian islands in the early 1900s, calling them "isles of safety." She said this is just the next generation of smart thinking about how to use city streets.
"This past year in particular has demonstrated that importance, our access to public space for recreation, for protests, for transportation, for getting a bit of sunshine, stepping out of our apartments," Kelly said.
The mayoral candidates will have the first opportunity to respond to the NYC 25x25 suggestions on Monday night at a forum hosted by Bike New York.
Biden administration set to approve congestion pricing, but questions remain
Mar. 1, 2021
A diverse coalition of more than 80 advocacy groups and nonprofit organizations is asking the next generation of city leaders to imagine what it would take to install 500 more miles of bike lanes, 1,000 miles of year-round open streets, and one block of car-free streets in front of every public school in New York City.
On Monday, the group Transportation Alternatives issued a challenge it calls "NYC 25x25." The advocacy group is asking the next mayor, city council and borough presidents to commit to converting 25% of streets currently used by vehicles into other purposes, by 2025.
"This is a watershed moment for New York City," Danny Harris, executive director of Transportation Alternatives, told Gothamist/WNYC. "We need to look at this intersection of COVID, of racial injustice, economic inequities, and ask some serious questions about the future of our city and our budget and we need a new crop of leaders who are willing to look at streets as an asset, instead of a liability."
The proposals come at a time when the number of candidates running for mayor remains sprawling, and few have distinguished themselves on transportation issues. The debate over how to use street space has intensified during the pandemic after what many consider a successful run of open streets during the pandemic and a boom in cycling, but also a recent uptick in traffic deaths.
Other suggestions from the coalition include adding 19.4 million square feet of bike parking, designated locations on every block long enough for taxis to drop off passengers and for trucks to make deliveries without blocking streets or bike lanes.
The latest proposals have the backing of disparate groups in the city from the tech industry nonprofit Tech:NYC, to the New York Building Congress, and the Institute for Public Architecture.
"Lack of quality transportation options makes it difficult for many of the people in the low-income communities of color we serve to access resources, such as employment, education, good food, and health care, that are needed to be healthy and financially stable," Tracey Capers, executive vice president and chief program officer at the Bedford Stuyvesant Restoration Corporation, wrote in a statement. Her group works with Citibike to get more bike shares into Bedford-Stuyvesant, Brooklyn.
"Likewise, we support the re-allocation of our public spaces, including the creation of more car-free bus lanes and protected bike lanes, to better serve the majority of our residents, who don't own cars," Capers added.
The 127-year old advocacy group the Municipal Arts Society is another organization that backs the expansion of streets for public use. Tara Kelly, the society's vice president of policy and programs, told Gothamist/ WNYC that her group came up with the idea of pedestrian islands in the early 1900s, calling them "isles of safety." She said this is just the next generation of smart thinking about how to use city streets.
"This past year in particular has demonstrated that importance, our access to public space for recreation, for protests, for transportation, for getting a bit of sunshine, stepping out of our apartments," Kelly said.
The mayoral candidates will have the first opportunity to respond to the NYC 25x25 suggestions on Monday night at a forum hosted by Bike New York.
Biden administration set to approve congestion pricing, but questions remain
Crain's
Feb. 26, 2021
With federal approval on New York City congestion pricing a foregone conclusion, transit officials are trying to sort out how the project moves forward.
"We're more optimistic given the Biden administration and what we're hearing, but we're still waiting to see what the decision will be as to which environmental process will be required," said Kenneth Lovett, senior adviser to MTA Chairman Pat Foye.
The main element holding up the approval is whether or not the U.S. Department of Transportation and the Federal Highway Administration will determine the plan needs an environmental assessment, which can be approved quickly, or an environmental-impact statement, which is a more onerous process.
"That decision will play into whatever timelines we come up with," Lovett said.
Other city agencies expressed confidence in what they've been told by Washington.
"We've heard positive things from D.C.," said Kate Slevin, senior vice president of state program advocacy at the Regional Plan Association. "The recent statements that it's likely to be fast-tracked are very encouraging."
Slevin added that besides the federal review of environmental considerations, the legislation's Traffic Mobility Review Board still needs to be set up in order to examine tolls, rates and the categories of vehicles subject to the tax upon entering the city's central business district below 60th Street.
The board is expected to be composed of six members appointed by the Triborough Bridge and Tunnel Authority. Plans call for the mayor to select one member to represent the city, while the MTA will appoint the others, including representatives from the Metro-North and Long Island Rail Road regions. The board has not been selected due to the delay in formal approval by the federal government, according to the transit agency.
TransCore, a transportation tech company in Nashville, has been tasked with administering the system once it is given the green light. Under TransCore's direction, nine city bridges and tunnels will be converted to all electric tolling, including the Henry Hudson Bridge, the Verrazzano-Narrows Bridge and the Queens Midtown Tunnel.
TransCore's contract with the city is for more than $500 million and includes a maintenance term for six years. The company did not respond to a request to comment on the project.
The MTA's chief development officer, Janno Lieber, acknowledged at a Feb. 19 board meeting that the agency expected congestion pricing to be approved in the near future.
"The good news is in recent weeks we've heard from FHA that they are going to fast-track our environmental process, which will certainly put us moving forward toward realizing this expected source of funds and implementing central business district tolling," Lieber said.
The Federal Highway Administration confirmed to Crain's that the department is making a priority in the early days of the Biden administration to take a closer look at the proposal so it can be dealt with in a timely manner.
Congestion pricing became a state law in April 2019, but it still needed an environmental review to get federal DOT approval because it impacted federal highways.
"There was no legitimate reason for the extended delay or excessive scrutiny applied to it by the Trump administration," said Danny Pearlstein, policy and communications director at the Riders Alliance.
Pearlstein said it was unclear whether the animus from the DOT was driven by Trump's rivalry with Gov. Andrew Cuomo, ideological concerns about funding mass transit or a reluctance to charge drivers.
"None of it was appropriate," he said, "given what Congress charged the DOT with doing in reviewing the congestion pricing applications."
The MTA expects congestion pricing to generate $1 billion in annual revenue that can be bonded out for $15 billion to pay for capital improvements including improved signals at stations and greater accessibility for riders with physical disabilities.
Money flowing from congestion pricing into the capital program could lead to new jobs. According to Slevin, every $1 billion in investment generates 6,300 jobs related to transit projects.
"These are a substantial number of jobs," she said. "These are green jobs that will allow us to become a more sustainable region."
The news of approval builds on positive fiscal developments for the MTA. The agency received $8 billion in federal assistance from two Covid-19 relief packages last year, and the proposed $1.9 trillion American Rescue Plan includes $20 billion in transit funding, including several billion for the MTA.
"We've seen the federal government come through twice already," Pearlstein said,"and we expect a third large tranche of money."
Correction: An earlier version of this article stated congestion pricing will produce $15 billion in annual revenue, when that is the total that $1 billion in annual revenue can be bonded out for.
City makes moves toward shifting away from jails on Rikers with bill signing
Feb. 26, 2021
With federal approval on New York City congestion pricing a foregone conclusion, transit officials are trying to sort out how the project moves forward.
"We're more optimistic given the Biden administration and what we're hearing, but we're still waiting to see what the decision will be as to which environmental process will be required," said Kenneth Lovett, senior adviser to MTA Chairman Pat Foye.
The main element holding up the approval is whether or not the U.S. Department of Transportation and the Federal Highway Administration will determine the plan needs an environmental assessment, which can be approved quickly, or an environmental-impact statement, which is a more onerous process.
"That decision will play into whatever timelines we come up with," Lovett said.
Other city agencies expressed confidence in what they've been told by Washington.
"We've heard positive things from D.C.," said Kate Slevin, senior vice president of state program advocacy at the Regional Plan Association. "The recent statements that it's likely to be fast-tracked are very encouraging."
Slevin added that besides the federal review of environmental considerations, the legislation's Traffic Mobility Review Board still needs to be set up in order to examine tolls, rates and the categories of vehicles subject to the tax upon entering the city's central business district below 60th Street.
The board is expected to be composed of six members appointed by the Triborough Bridge and Tunnel Authority. Plans call for the mayor to select one member to represent the city, while the MTA will appoint the others, including representatives from the Metro-North and Long Island Rail Road regions. The board has not been selected due to the delay in formal approval by the federal government, according to the transit agency.
TransCore, a transportation tech company in Nashville, has been tasked with administering the system once it is given the green light. Under TransCore's direction, nine city bridges and tunnels will be converted to all electric tolling, including the Henry Hudson Bridge, the Verrazzano-Narrows Bridge and the Queens Midtown Tunnel.
TransCore's contract with the city is for more than $500 million and includes a maintenance term for six years. The company did not respond to a request to comment on the project.
The MTA's chief development officer, Janno Lieber, acknowledged at a Feb. 19 board meeting that the agency expected congestion pricing to be approved in the near future.
"The good news is in recent weeks we've heard from FHA that they are going to fast-track our environmental process, which will certainly put us moving forward toward realizing this expected source of funds and implementing central business district tolling," Lieber said.
The Federal Highway Administration confirmed to Crain's that the department is making a priority in the early days of the Biden administration to take a closer look at the proposal so it can be dealt with in a timely manner.
Congestion pricing became a state law in April 2019, but it still needed an environmental review to get federal DOT approval because it impacted federal highways.
"There was no legitimate reason for the extended delay or excessive scrutiny applied to it by the Trump administration," said Danny Pearlstein, policy and communications director at the Riders Alliance.
Pearlstein said it was unclear whether the animus from the DOT was driven by Trump's rivalry with Gov. Andrew Cuomo, ideological concerns about funding mass transit or a reluctance to charge drivers.
"None of it was appropriate," he said, "given what Congress charged the DOT with doing in reviewing the congestion pricing applications."
The MTA expects congestion pricing to generate $1 billion in annual revenue that can be bonded out for $15 billion to pay for capital improvements including improved signals at stations and greater accessibility for riders with physical disabilities.
Money flowing from congestion pricing into the capital program could lead to new jobs. According to Slevin, every $1 billion in investment generates 6,300 jobs related to transit projects.
"These are a substantial number of jobs," she said. "These are green jobs that will allow us to become a more sustainable region."
The news of approval builds on positive fiscal developments for the MTA. The agency received $8 billion in federal assistance from two Covid-19 relief packages last year, and the proposed $1.9 trillion American Rescue Plan includes $20 billion in transit funding, including several billion for the MTA.
"We've seen the federal government come through twice already," Pearlstein said,"and we expect a third large tranche of money."
Correction: An earlier version of this article stated congestion pricing will produce $15 billion in annual revenue, when that is the total that $1 billion in annual revenue can be bonded out for.
City makes moves toward shifting away from jails on Rikers with bill signing
Bronx Times
Feb. 26, 2021
Mayor Bill de Blasio signed into law a bill that will create an advisory committee to weigh the options of a future without a jail system on Rikers Island in the years ahead.
As part of the process started under the speakership of former Councilwoman Melissa Mark-Viverito to dismantle what many perceive as an antiquated symbol of injustice rather than justice, the bill begins the process of transferring parts of Rikers Island from the Department of Corrections to the Citywide Administrative Services Department.
More than likely, the space will be used for renewable initiatives and smaller detention facilities will be built in each borough –except Staten Island – closer to courts and less isolated.
Feb. 26, 2021
Mayor Bill de Blasio signed into law a bill that will create an advisory committee to weigh the options of a future without a jail system on Rikers Island in the years ahead.
As part of the process started under the speakership of former Councilwoman Melissa Mark-Viverito to dismantle what many perceive as an antiquated symbol of injustice rather than justice, the bill begins the process of transferring parts of Rikers Island from the Department of Corrections to the Citywide Administrative Services Department.
More than likely, the space will be used for renewable initiatives and smaller detention facilities will be built in each borough –except Staten Island – closer to courts and less isolated.
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