Daily News Summary
Amid Great Uncertainty, City Council Begins Examining De Blasio's $92.3 Billion Preliminary Budget
Gotham Gazette
Mar. 2, 2021
The New York City Council on Tuesday began its examination of Mayor Bill de Blasio's $92.3 billion preliminary budget for the 2022 fiscal year, which begins July 1. The hearing was the first of many that will take place over the next few weeks as the Council digs into the mayor's final budget plan of his eight-year tenure and as key questions remain about the city's fiscal future.
The coronavirus pandemic stripped the city of billions in tax revenue, creating significant budget gaps for the next several fiscal years. The city's fiscal picture has been fluid and uncertain, with billions of dollars of federal aid already flowing to the city and more expected, and a mix of lower-than-expected property tax revenue but higher-than-expected personal income tax revenue. Given the excellent overall economic pre-covid picture, the city had increased spending dramatically but did also have billions in reserves, however inefficient for the scale of the crisis that has unfolded.
The pandemic's impact and the change of federal leadership in January forced the mayor to craft a cautious, worst-case scenario budget that didn't take into account any additional federal stimulus funds that the city might receive under President Biden and a Democratic Congress, even though that is all but assured. De Blasio's preliminary budget, released in January, predicts a big drop in tax revenues in the next fiscal year, draws deeply from the city's reserves, relies on $1 billion in unspecified labor savings, and foresees recurring budget gaps of more than $4 billion in each of the next three fiscal years.
There also remains the risk of $2.4 billion in cuts and costs shifts across the current and next fiscal year potentially imposed by the state, which were not included in the mayor's budget proposal but are among the points of contention as the state crafts its own crisis budget ahead of its April 1 deadline. As part of that picture, the mayor and others in the city are concerned that Governor Andrew Cuomo may further "supplant" federal funds meant for the city, meaning the state holds back hundreds of millions of dollars in aid to the city based on federal funds of the same amount flowing to the five boroughs -- this already occurred to the tune of $700 million, de Blasio said during his testimony at the state Legislature last month, and the governor is threatening another $800 million.
But, there has been some cause for optimism. The city expects to receive as much as $5.6 billion in federal aid through the $1.9 trillion American Rescue Plan Act currently being negotiated in Congress. "This budget isn't nearly as grim as I thought it would be," said City Council Speaker Corey Johnson, in his opening remarks at Tuesday's hearing. With Democratic control over the federal government, "It looks like we'll be getting the help we need," he said.
Yet Johnson worried that the city is going to "just do the bare minimum" with federal funds, stressing the need to protect the social safety net and critical services for youth, seniors, and families. "I don't want us to go back to normal. I want us to work toward a new, more equitable future," he said.
As Council Member Daniel Dromm, chair of the Council's finance committee, noted in his remarks at Tuesday's hearing, the mayor's budget also does not include about $730.5 million for City Council discretionary funding and to restore one-time cuts and fund programs added last year at the Council's behest. It also underfunds items like expected NYPD overtime, special education, and student transportation, he said.
In his testimony, Jacques Jiha, director of the Mayor's Office of Management and Budget, outlined the preliminary budget, which includes $885 million in new spending between the current and next fiscal year, $2 billion in savings across both years, and an increase in the ten-year capital strategy -- a separate budget plan that relies on bonding, though the debt service is paid for in the annual operating budget.
Jiha sounded a warning about the state cuts, which include $500 million slashed from the Health+Hospitals System across both fiscal years. "I want to emphasize that the state wants to cut resources in the midst of the pandemic from a hospital system that has led the fight to save lives and protect New Yorkers from COVID-19 since last Spring," he said.
But he too was positive that federal funds will bolster the city and that an aggressive vaccination program will help boost the economy and, in turn, city revenue. "[W]e firmly believe New York City will recover faster than many people expect as social distancing requirements ease, the stimulus impacts are felt, and consumers unleash pent up demand," he said. "As this happens, workers will return to their offices, Broadway shows will sell out again, tourism will flourish, and hotels will fill with guests. This is a resilient city, and we will be back better and stronger than before."
Under questioning, Jiha could not provide specificity to the Council on several aspects of the preliminary budget proposal. For instance, since it did not weigh the amount of federal aid, he could not say where the city planned to spend potential dollars. "If there is no aid coming from the federal government, we'll continue to do what we've been doing, which is continual aggressive, savings programs," he told Speaker Johnson. If aid does come through, which is more than likely, he said the administration would work with the Council on resource allocation. "At this point in time, we have not made any decision one way or another," he said.
Johnson said the budget proposal seems "short-sighted" as he noted that it pulls $1.15 billion from city reserves, relies on labor savings that have yet to be outlined, and expects large budget gaps while the future of the economy seems uncertain. It does not identify enough efficiencies or long-term costs savings, he said, though the mayor has promised more agency belt-tightening. "I don't want us to be in a situation in a year or two where social safety net programs and essential services like trash pickup are on the chopping block again," he said.
Jiha insisted that the administration is continually looking for savings but did not say how the labor savings would be achieved. Any savings program, he said, "should be implemented gradually. Otherwise, it could prove counterproductive." He also said that if the city should have enough resources, after receiving federal aid, the administration would work to rebuild the depleted reserves.
As part of the mayor's budget savings plan, the administration has instituted a headcount reduction program that mandates three employees must leave through attrition before one hire is made, with exceptions for positions related to safety, public health, uniformed workers, teachers, and revenue-generating jobs. After growing the city workforce by more than 30,000 workers until last year, de Blasio has reduced headcount by about 7,000 since January 2020.
But when pressed by Dromm, Jiha could not provide a breakdown of how the administration would achieve the nearly 5,000 employee reduction under that plan. "[W]e want to have as much flexibility as possible when we are dealing with agencies," Jiha said. "We are still in the midst of a pandemic so we must be very nimble if we have to give some agency some leeway in case there is an emergency."
Throughout the rest of the hearing, Council members sought answers on a broad array of issues. Council Member Helen Rosenthal, chair of the subcommittee on the capital budget, called for more transparency on which capital projects would resume this month, as announced by the mayor on Monday – Jiha promised to provide a list to the Council. Council Member Ben Kallos, chair of the contracts committee, pushed back against cuts to an indirect cost initiative for nonprofit human service providers and critiqued the use of outside consultants. Jiha said the administration would work to restore funds for those indirect costs if the city's budget picture improves. He also said the administration is reviewing different agencies to assess where consultants are necessary, conceding that they can at times cost the city more money than a full-time employee.
Dromm pushed for a more realistic estimation of special education funding. Council Member Diana Ayala questioned the status of a pilot program to fund mental health crisis response teams. Council Member Margaret Chin called for more senior center funding. Council Members Peter Koo and Vanessa Gibson advocated for restoring previous cuts made to the Departments of Parks and Recreation and Sanitation. Council Member Darma Diaz sought more details on funds allocated to domestic violence services. Council Member Keith Powers asked for financial assistance for cultural institutions. Jiha agreed with the members' concerns, saying the administration would provide answers or funding where possible depending on how the city's budget prospects evolve.
Cautious optimism was the refrain of the day. Comptroller Scott Stringer, in his own testimony, said, "2021 began on a much more hopeful note than how we ended 2020, with a new president taking office, and vaccines for COVID-19 finally available. But the challenges of the past year aren't behind us. Not by a long shot."
He pointed to the $2.5 billion expected drop in property tax revenue next fiscal year, the mass closure of small businesses, high unemployment, and the city's rocky vaccine rollout. "Just because we've closed the FY22 gap doesn't mean we don't have work to do to get our own fiscal house in order for the future," he said, citing what he considers wasteful spending on homelessness, incarceration, and mental health programs without positive outcomes.
He urged the administration to use federal funds wisely. "Stimulus money is temporary. It will give us some help this year and next, maybe even a little the year after that. But after that, it is gone," he said. "We need to strategically use these federal funds to relieve the suffering of New Yorkers, to jump-start our economic recovery and to lay the groundwork for a new, fairer economy."
As is the case each year, the administration tends to be more conservative in its revenue forecasts. Ronnie Lowenstein, director of the Independent Budget Office, a nonpartisan city agency that is not under the mayor's control, estimated to the Council that the city will end the current fiscal year with a $3.6 billion surplus, $258 million more than the administration's expectations.
Lowenstein pointed to the positive developments at the federal level, including the next stimulus package and additional FEMA reimbursements announced by the Biden administration. But she also raised concerns about the unspecified labor savings, the status of federal funding for the MTA, cuts from Albany and the progression of the pandemic. "With these and a number of other critical variables, the city's economic and fiscal future remains precarious," she said.
Cuomo Sees State Budget Upturn Even as He's Deeply Enmeshed in Scandals
Mar. 2, 2021
The New York City Council on Tuesday began its examination of Mayor Bill de Blasio's $92.3 billion preliminary budget for the 2022 fiscal year, which begins July 1. The hearing was the first of many that will take place over the next few weeks as the Council digs into the mayor's final budget plan of his eight-year tenure and as key questions remain about the city's fiscal future.
The coronavirus pandemic stripped the city of billions in tax revenue, creating significant budget gaps for the next several fiscal years. The city's fiscal picture has been fluid and uncertain, with billions of dollars of federal aid already flowing to the city and more expected, and a mix of lower-than-expected property tax revenue but higher-than-expected personal income tax revenue. Given the excellent overall economic pre-covid picture, the city had increased spending dramatically but did also have billions in reserves, however inefficient for the scale of the crisis that has unfolded.
The pandemic's impact and the change of federal leadership in January forced the mayor to craft a cautious, worst-case scenario budget that didn't take into account any additional federal stimulus funds that the city might receive under President Biden and a Democratic Congress, even though that is all but assured. De Blasio's preliminary budget, released in January, predicts a big drop in tax revenues in the next fiscal year, draws deeply from the city's reserves, relies on $1 billion in unspecified labor savings, and foresees recurring budget gaps of more than $4 billion in each of the next three fiscal years.
There also remains the risk of $2.4 billion in cuts and costs shifts across the current and next fiscal year potentially imposed by the state, which were not included in the mayor's budget proposal but are among the points of contention as the state crafts its own crisis budget ahead of its April 1 deadline. As part of that picture, the mayor and others in the city are concerned that Governor Andrew Cuomo may further "supplant" federal funds meant for the city, meaning the state holds back hundreds of millions of dollars in aid to the city based on federal funds of the same amount flowing to the five boroughs -- this already occurred to the tune of $700 million, de Blasio said during his testimony at the state Legislature last month, and the governor is threatening another $800 million.
But, there has been some cause for optimism. The city expects to receive as much as $5.6 billion in federal aid through the $1.9 trillion American Rescue Plan Act currently being negotiated in Congress. "This budget isn't nearly as grim as I thought it would be," said City Council Speaker Corey Johnson, in his opening remarks at Tuesday's hearing. With Democratic control over the federal government, "It looks like we'll be getting the help we need," he said.
Yet Johnson worried that the city is going to "just do the bare minimum" with federal funds, stressing the need to protect the social safety net and critical services for youth, seniors, and families. "I don't want us to go back to normal. I want us to work toward a new, more equitable future," he said.
As Council Member Daniel Dromm, chair of the Council's finance committee, noted in his remarks at Tuesday's hearing, the mayor's budget also does not include about $730.5 million for City Council discretionary funding and to restore one-time cuts and fund programs added last year at the Council's behest. It also underfunds items like expected NYPD overtime, special education, and student transportation, he said.
In his testimony, Jacques Jiha, director of the Mayor's Office of Management and Budget, outlined the preliminary budget, which includes $885 million in new spending between the current and next fiscal year, $2 billion in savings across both years, and an increase in the ten-year capital strategy -- a separate budget plan that relies on bonding, though the debt service is paid for in the annual operating budget.
Jiha sounded a warning about the state cuts, which include $500 million slashed from the Health+Hospitals System across both fiscal years. "I want to emphasize that the state wants to cut resources in the midst of the pandemic from a hospital system that has led the fight to save lives and protect New Yorkers from COVID-19 since last Spring," he said.
But he too was positive that federal funds will bolster the city and that an aggressive vaccination program will help boost the economy and, in turn, city revenue. "[W]e firmly believe New York City will recover faster than many people expect as social distancing requirements ease, the stimulus impacts are felt, and consumers unleash pent up demand," he said. "As this happens, workers will return to their offices, Broadway shows will sell out again, tourism will flourish, and hotels will fill with guests. This is a resilient city, and we will be back better and stronger than before."
Under questioning, Jiha could not provide specificity to the Council on several aspects of the preliminary budget proposal. For instance, since it did not weigh the amount of federal aid, he could not say where the city planned to spend potential dollars. "If there is no aid coming from the federal government, we'll continue to do what we've been doing, which is continual aggressive, savings programs," he told Speaker Johnson. If aid does come through, which is more than likely, he said the administration would work with the Council on resource allocation. "At this point in time, we have not made any decision one way or another," he said.
Johnson said the budget proposal seems "short-sighted" as he noted that it pulls $1.15 billion from city reserves, relies on labor savings that have yet to be outlined, and expects large budget gaps while the future of the economy seems uncertain. It does not identify enough efficiencies or long-term costs savings, he said, though the mayor has promised more agency belt-tightening. "I don't want us to be in a situation in a year or two where social safety net programs and essential services like trash pickup are on the chopping block again," he said.
Jiha insisted that the administration is continually looking for savings but did not say how the labor savings would be achieved. Any savings program, he said, "should be implemented gradually. Otherwise, it could prove counterproductive." He also said that if the city should have enough resources, after receiving federal aid, the administration would work to rebuild the depleted reserves.
As part of the mayor's budget savings plan, the administration has instituted a headcount reduction program that mandates three employees must leave through attrition before one hire is made, with exceptions for positions related to safety, public health, uniformed workers, teachers, and revenue-generating jobs. After growing the city workforce by more than 30,000 workers until last year, de Blasio has reduced headcount by about 7,000 since January 2020.
But when pressed by Dromm, Jiha could not provide a breakdown of how the administration would achieve the nearly 5,000 employee reduction under that plan. "[W]e want to have as much flexibility as possible when we are dealing with agencies," Jiha said. "We are still in the midst of a pandemic so we must be very nimble if we have to give some agency some leeway in case there is an emergency."
Throughout the rest of the hearing, Council members sought answers on a broad array of issues. Council Member Helen Rosenthal, chair of the subcommittee on the capital budget, called for more transparency on which capital projects would resume this month, as announced by the mayor on Monday – Jiha promised to provide a list to the Council. Council Member Ben Kallos, chair of the contracts committee, pushed back against cuts to an indirect cost initiative for nonprofit human service providers and critiqued the use of outside consultants. Jiha said the administration would work to restore funds for those indirect costs if the city's budget picture improves. He also said the administration is reviewing different agencies to assess where consultants are necessary, conceding that they can at times cost the city more money than a full-time employee.
Dromm pushed for a more realistic estimation of special education funding. Council Member Diana Ayala questioned the status of a pilot program to fund mental health crisis response teams. Council Member Margaret Chin called for more senior center funding. Council Members Peter Koo and Vanessa Gibson advocated for restoring previous cuts made to the Departments of Parks and Recreation and Sanitation. Council Member Darma Diaz sought more details on funds allocated to domestic violence services. Council Member Keith Powers asked for financial assistance for cultural institutions. Jiha agreed with the members' concerns, saying the administration would provide answers or funding where possible depending on how the city's budget prospects evolve.
Cautious optimism was the refrain of the day. Comptroller Scott Stringer, in his own testimony, said, "2021 began on a much more hopeful note than how we ended 2020, with a new president taking office, and vaccines for COVID-19 finally available. But the challenges of the past year aren't behind us. Not by a long shot."
He pointed to the $2.5 billion expected drop in property tax revenue next fiscal year, the mass closure of small businesses, high unemployment, and the city's rocky vaccine rollout. "Just because we've closed the FY22 gap doesn't mean we don't have work to do to get our own fiscal house in order for the future," he said, citing what he considers wasteful spending on homelessness, incarceration, and mental health programs without positive outcomes.
He urged the administration to use federal funds wisely. "Stimulus money is temporary. It will give us some help this year and next, maybe even a little the year after that. But after that, it is gone," he said. "We need to strategically use these federal funds to relieve the suffering of New Yorkers, to jump-start our economic recovery and to lay the groundwork for a new, fairer economy."
As is the case each year, the administration tends to be more conservative in its revenue forecasts. Ronnie Lowenstein, director of the Independent Budget Office, a nonpartisan city agency that is not under the mayor's control, estimated to the Council that the city will end the current fiscal year with a $3.6 billion surplus, $258 million more than the administration's expectations.
Lowenstein pointed to the positive developments at the federal level, including the next stimulus package and additional FEMA reimbursements announced by the Biden administration. But she also raised concerns about the unspecified labor savings, the status of federal funding for the MTA, cuts from Albany and the progression of the pandemic. "With these and a number of other critical variables, the city's economic and fiscal future remains precarious," she said.
Cuomo Sees State Budget Upturn Even as He's Deeply Enmeshed in Scandals
The City
Mar. 2, 2021
Gov. Andrew Cuomo's political fortunes have never been lower, but optimism over the state budget outlook is suddenly higher than any time since the pandemic gripped New York.
The state is expected to reap billions more than expected in tax revenues and President Joe Biden's proposed $1.9 trillion pandemic relief package would deliver aid beyond Cuomo's requests. Meanwhile, tax revenue projections are up for New York City, which is expected to directly receive more than $5 billion from the Biden plan as well as additional money for education funneled through the state.
But hanging over the impending state and city budgets is the precarious position of Cuomo, who is ensnared by sexual harassment allegations and a federal probe of his handling of coronavirus nursing home deaths.
One option for the governor is to adopt the key proposals of the progressives in the Legislature, who are among his harshest critics, with some calling for him to step down.
"They want the millionaire's tax and he could give it to them," said political consultant Hank Sheinkopf. "He has done a very good job of co-opting opponents by adopting policies like marriage equality, then strict gun control bills and $15 minimum wage."
Cuomo had previously threatened to futher tax the rich if Biden didn't come through with big bucks for New York. Opponents of a tax increase contend it would be a disaster — encouraging wealthy residents and businesses to flee the state.
"Raising taxes is contradictory to the need to bring back half a million jobs," said Kathryn Wylde, head of the Partnership for New York City. "We don't need higher taxes because of the increase in revenue and federal aid. The worst thing now is to raise taxes just to punish the wealthy and job creators."
The Partnership and the five city borough chambers of commerce sent a letter to state legislators Tuesday opposing new taxes as a threat to the recovery. Wylde and others plan to intensify their efforts to convince legislators new taxes — whether an income tax increase or controversial plans to tax stock transfers or accumulated wealth — would end up reducing revenue.
Supporters of tax increases say they're necessary to the state's recovery and long-term health at a time when legions of New Yorkers are unemployed and facing housing uncertainty even as Wall Street booms.
'Embarrassment of Riches'
With less than a month until Albany must adopt a budget for the fiscal year beginning April 1, there is little question the fiscal outlook for both the state and the city is no longer the doomsday picture painted last year as the pandemic shut down New York.
"State budget shaping up as embarrassment of riches — for now," the Empire Center's E.J. McMahon titled a Tuesday blog post on the latest estimates.
Earlier this week, the Senate, Assembly and the governor's budget director agreed that the state will collect $2.5 billion more in taxes over the next two years than the Cuomo estimated less than two months ago.
Tax receipts are far higher than once projected because high-income earners, who pay the vast majority of income taxes, have kept their jobs and the financial sector is reporting near-record profits.
The state has already received at least $9 billion in federal money from the previous aid bills to come out of Washington, a report from the state Comptroller Thomas DiNapoli said Tuesday.
The Biden bill pending in Congress would send $12.6 billion in general aid to the state, $3 billion for Medicaid and provide more than $12 billion for education, most of which would be sent to local districts.
"Federal aid has been incredibly important in staving off the worst cuts and will play a big role in balancing the budget in the short-term," said Maria Doulis, the state's deputy comptroller.
City taxes revenue will be almost $62 billion for the 2021 fiscal year, which ends June 30, the Independent Budget Office said Tuesday.
That would represent a decline of just under $2 billion — or half the loss anticipated only two months ago. For the next year, tax revenues are expected to rise to $63.4 billion, up almost 3% despite weakness in property taxes.
In addition, the Biden plan would send the city $5.6 billion, plus additional education money expected from the state — which now won't need to cut local aid.
Even before the higher revenue estimate and additional federal aid, the mayor's budget proposal was balanced for the fiscal year beginning July 1.
"The pandemic devastated the local economy but the fiscal impact of the pandemic has not been as grave as many of us anticipated," said Ronnie Lowenstein, executive director of the IBO. "It hasn't led to the fiscal crisis many people feared."
Long-Term Picture Cloudy
Still, budget officials — among them DiNapoli and city Comptroller Scott Stringer — cautioned that the state and city face long-term risks because New York's economic recovery is likely to be weaker than the nation as a whole.
Fiscal experts want the state and city to use the federal aid as a bridge to a time when aid is no longer available.
A year from now holes could start to open in the budget Albany will be working on for the 2023 fiscal year, said Doulis. The gap between projected revenues and spending could be as large as $10 billion a year starting in 2024, she added.
"Wise choices on federal aid and spending reductions will allow the state to preserve critical services and stabilize its finances without having to delay the pending middle-class tax cut or increase high-earner taxes," said Citizens Budget Commission President Andrew Rein.
The CBC has opposed higher taxes as unnecessary and argued for temporary reductions in economic development spending and borrowing to cover more long-term infrastructure projects.
Lowenstein has the same warning for the city.
"The city shouldn't be using the aid to make long-term commitments that it can't maintain," she said.
De Blasio administration pushes back on City Council small-business reform bills
Mar. 2, 2021
Gov. Andrew Cuomo's political fortunes have never been lower, but optimism over the state budget outlook is suddenly higher than any time since the pandemic gripped New York.
The state is expected to reap billions more than expected in tax revenues and President Joe Biden's proposed $1.9 trillion pandemic relief package would deliver aid beyond Cuomo's requests. Meanwhile, tax revenue projections are up for New York City, which is expected to directly receive more than $5 billion from the Biden plan as well as additional money for education funneled through the state.
But hanging over the impending state and city budgets is the precarious position of Cuomo, who is ensnared by sexual harassment allegations and a federal probe of his handling of coronavirus nursing home deaths.
One option for the governor is to adopt the key proposals of the progressives in the Legislature, who are among his harshest critics, with some calling for him to step down.
"They want the millionaire's tax and he could give it to them," said political consultant Hank Sheinkopf. "He has done a very good job of co-opting opponents by adopting policies like marriage equality, then strict gun control bills and $15 minimum wage."
Cuomo had previously threatened to futher tax the rich if Biden didn't come through with big bucks for New York. Opponents of a tax increase contend it would be a disaster — encouraging wealthy residents and businesses to flee the state.
"Raising taxes is contradictory to the need to bring back half a million jobs," said Kathryn Wylde, head of the Partnership for New York City. "We don't need higher taxes because of the increase in revenue and federal aid. The worst thing now is to raise taxes just to punish the wealthy and job creators."
The Partnership and the five city borough chambers of commerce sent a letter to state legislators Tuesday opposing new taxes as a threat to the recovery. Wylde and others plan to intensify their efforts to convince legislators new taxes — whether an income tax increase or controversial plans to tax stock transfers or accumulated wealth — would end up reducing revenue.
Supporters of tax increases say they're necessary to the state's recovery and long-term health at a time when legions of New Yorkers are unemployed and facing housing uncertainty even as Wall Street booms.
'Embarrassment of Riches'
With less than a month until Albany must adopt a budget for the fiscal year beginning April 1, there is little question the fiscal outlook for both the state and the city is no longer the doomsday picture painted last year as the pandemic shut down New York.
"State budget shaping up as embarrassment of riches — for now," the Empire Center's E.J. McMahon titled a Tuesday blog post on the latest estimates.
Earlier this week, the Senate, Assembly and the governor's budget director agreed that the state will collect $2.5 billion more in taxes over the next two years than the Cuomo estimated less than two months ago.
Tax receipts are far higher than once projected because high-income earners, who pay the vast majority of income taxes, have kept their jobs and the financial sector is reporting near-record profits.
The state has already received at least $9 billion in federal money from the previous aid bills to come out of Washington, a report from the state Comptroller Thomas DiNapoli said Tuesday.
The Biden bill pending in Congress would send $12.6 billion in general aid to the state, $3 billion for Medicaid and provide more than $12 billion for education, most of which would be sent to local districts.
"Federal aid has been incredibly important in staving off the worst cuts and will play a big role in balancing the budget in the short-term," said Maria Doulis, the state's deputy comptroller.
City taxes revenue will be almost $62 billion for the 2021 fiscal year, which ends June 30, the Independent Budget Office said Tuesday.
That would represent a decline of just under $2 billion — or half the loss anticipated only two months ago. For the next year, tax revenues are expected to rise to $63.4 billion, up almost 3% despite weakness in property taxes.
In addition, the Biden plan would send the city $5.6 billion, plus additional education money expected from the state — which now won't need to cut local aid.
Even before the higher revenue estimate and additional federal aid, the mayor's budget proposal was balanced for the fiscal year beginning July 1.
"The pandemic devastated the local economy but the fiscal impact of the pandemic has not been as grave as many of us anticipated," said Ronnie Lowenstein, executive director of the IBO. "It hasn't led to the fiscal crisis many people feared."
Long-Term Picture Cloudy
Still, budget officials — among them DiNapoli and city Comptroller Scott Stringer — cautioned that the state and city face long-term risks because New York's economic recovery is likely to be weaker than the nation as a whole.
Fiscal experts want the state and city to use the federal aid as a bridge to a time when aid is no longer available.
A year from now holes could start to open in the budget Albany will be working on for the 2023 fiscal year, said Doulis. The gap between projected revenues and spending could be as large as $10 billion a year starting in 2024, she added.
"Wise choices on federal aid and spending reductions will allow the state to preserve critical services and stabilize its finances without having to delay the pending middle-class tax cut or increase high-earner taxes," said Citizens Budget Commission President Andrew Rein.
The CBC has opposed higher taxes as unnecessary and argued for temporary reductions in economic development spending and borrowing to cover more long-term infrastructure projects.
Lowenstein has the same warning for the city.
"The city shouldn't be using the aid to make long-term commitments that it can't maintain," she said.
De Blasio administration pushes back on City Council small-business reform bills
Crain's
Mar. 2, 2021
The de Blasio administration is pushing back on a pair of small-business relief bills introduced in the City Council last week, claiming they would undermine consumer protection.
Councilman Mark Gjonaj and Councilwoman Vanessa L. Gibson introduced joint legislation on Feb. 25 that aims to update and overhaul the penalties associated with more than 180 violations attached to certain sanitation, health, transportation, consumer affairs, and building and noise control violations.
"These are perhaps the single most important piece of legislation for small businesses we've addressed in years," said Rob Bookman, general counsel for the New York City Hospitality Alliance. "It's something that's been on the agenda for some quite some time, and politically the stars have aligned."
But elements of the city's bureaucracy are gearing up to fight parts of the legislation. At a City Council hearing on Monday, the Department of Consumer and Worker Protection and the Department of Small Business Services pushed back on the proposals.
Consumer Protection Commissioner Lorelei Salas opposed what she considered would be a dilution of the Consumer Protection Law, which Salas argued has been part of the city code since 1969.
"Diluting the CPL and not improving its protections will have tremendously negative consequences for the most vulnerable of our city's constituents and stifle our agency mission during a time of extreme crisis," she said.
Salas stressed that the CPL shields immigrant New Yorkers from notorious business practices and gives the her agency standing to go after predatory behavior citywide.
During the hearing, Steve Ettannani, executive director of external affairs at the consumer protection agency, said that aspects of the bills would "inhibit our ability to patrol businesses," adding that the agency would like to amend the legislation
Even Small Business Services Commissioner Jonnel Doris argued that while his office shares the council's aim of cutting penalties to small businesses, the SBS seeks "a balanced approach that achieves our mutual goals."
Doris noted that civil summons for small-business owners fell across the board in 2020. Last year the Department of Transportation issued 42% fewer summonses, and the Department of Health and Mental Hygiene issued 75% fewer summonses, according to Doris' testimony.
Mayor Bill de Blasio's office said it is still reviewing the bills and it hopes to find the right balance between helping small businesses and giving agencies proper tools to ensure compliance.
The resistance by the de Blasio administration may be tied to legislation's targeted overhaul of city regulatory policy.
Gjonaj's bill provides temporary relief to small-business owners affected during the pandemic by waiving specific penalties and refunding the cost of other penalties that have occurred since March 12, 2020. Gibson's bill aims to change the city's violation code structure by creating a less punitive system for small-business owners and one that emphasizes correcting violations rather than issuing fines.
"It will fundamentally change the relationship between city government and small business from one where inspectors are there to fine you to one where they educate and correct and bring you into compliance," Bookman said.
Gjonaj stressed the bills are not meant to allow a free-for-all for businesses to oppose regulations, but rather they aim to update 183 regulations of the more than 6,000 on the city books, ones he considers outdated laws that should be changed.
"This is about giving small businesses a fighting chance and not allowing them to be a piggy bank they've been treated as all along," Gjonaj said.
The joint reform bills, which are supported by City Council Speaker Corey Johnson, are expected to receive broad support from New York's small-business community, which has long argued against the number of fines and penalties small-business owners need to manage together with their day-to-day duties.
"We wholeheartedly appreciate and support this," said Tom Grech, president of the Queens Chamber of Commerce. "Our small businesses need all the help they can get and don't need to worry about paying all the fines they've built up over this period of time."
It is the sheer number fines, especially those that have come during a citywide emergency, that have motivated Gjonaj, the chair of the City Council's Small Business Committee, to introduce the legislation. During the hearing on Monday, Gjonaj pointed out that despite declines from their 2019 total, the number of summonses issued by city agencies climbed to nearly 530,000 in 2020.
"It is evident by the number of violations issued that the city continued to issue summons at alarming rates," he said.
The Office of Administrative Trials and Hearings issued $362 million in imposed fines against people, businesses and property in 2020 and received $58.8 million in payments, said Marisa Senigo, OATH deputy commissioner. These numbers are down from the $484 million in imposed penalties and $165.9 million paid in 2019.
Senigo noted that, on average, approximately 40% of summonses that are fought at OATH hearings are dismissed.
Bookman found it ironic that the mayor's own agencies oppose the reform bills, considering that as public advocate, de Blasio issued calls for the city to "stop treating small businesses like an ATM" and examine the fines it levies.
"De Blasio claimed he was going to do a lot more than he did," Bookman said. "It's worse for the city to have such a negative regulatory environment than lose some tens of millions in fines."
Top Cop Defends Decision to Disband Controversial Anti-Crime Unit
Mar. 2, 2021
The de Blasio administration is pushing back on a pair of small-business relief bills introduced in the City Council last week, claiming they would undermine consumer protection.
Councilman Mark Gjonaj and Councilwoman Vanessa L. Gibson introduced joint legislation on Feb. 25 that aims to update and overhaul the penalties associated with more than 180 violations attached to certain sanitation, health, transportation, consumer affairs, and building and noise control violations.
"These are perhaps the single most important piece of legislation for small businesses we've addressed in years," said Rob Bookman, general counsel for the New York City Hospitality Alliance. "It's something that's been on the agenda for some quite some time, and politically the stars have aligned."
But elements of the city's bureaucracy are gearing up to fight parts of the legislation. At a City Council hearing on Monday, the Department of Consumer and Worker Protection and the Department of Small Business Services pushed back on the proposals.
Consumer Protection Commissioner Lorelei Salas opposed what she considered would be a dilution of the Consumer Protection Law, which Salas argued has been part of the city code since 1969.
"Diluting the CPL and not improving its protections will have tremendously negative consequences for the most vulnerable of our city's constituents and stifle our agency mission during a time of extreme crisis," she said.
Salas stressed that the CPL shields immigrant New Yorkers from notorious business practices and gives the her agency standing to go after predatory behavior citywide.
During the hearing, Steve Ettannani, executive director of external affairs at the consumer protection agency, said that aspects of the bills would "inhibit our ability to patrol businesses," adding that the agency would like to amend the legislation
Even Small Business Services Commissioner Jonnel Doris argued that while his office shares the council's aim of cutting penalties to small businesses, the SBS seeks "a balanced approach that achieves our mutual goals."
Doris noted that civil summons for small-business owners fell across the board in 2020. Last year the Department of Transportation issued 42% fewer summonses, and the Department of Health and Mental Hygiene issued 75% fewer summonses, according to Doris' testimony.
Mayor Bill de Blasio's office said it is still reviewing the bills and it hopes to find the right balance between helping small businesses and giving agencies proper tools to ensure compliance.
The resistance by the de Blasio administration may be tied to legislation's targeted overhaul of city regulatory policy.
Gjonaj's bill provides temporary relief to small-business owners affected during the pandemic by waiving specific penalties and refunding the cost of other penalties that have occurred since March 12, 2020. Gibson's bill aims to change the city's violation code structure by creating a less punitive system for small-business owners and one that emphasizes correcting violations rather than issuing fines.
"It will fundamentally change the relationship between city government and small business from one where inspectors are there to fine you to one where they educate and correct and bring you into compliance," Bookman said.
Gjonaj stressed the bills are not meant to allow a free-for-all for businesses to oppose regulations, but rather they aim to update 183 regulations of the more than 6,000 on the city books, ones he considers outdated laws that should be changed.
"This is about giving small businesses a fighting chance and not allowing them to be a piggy bank they've been treated as all along," Gjonaj said.
The joint reform bills, which are supported by City Council Speaker Corey Johnson, are expected to receive broad support from New York's small-business community, which has long argued against the number of fines and penalties small-business owners need to manage together with their day-to-day duties.
"We wholeheartedly appreciate and support this," said Tom Grech, president of the Queens Chamber of Commerce. "Our small businesses need all the help they can get and don't need to worry about paying all the fines they've built up over this period of time."
It is the sheer number fines, especially those that have come during a citywide emergency, that have motivated Gjonaj, the chair of the City Council's Small Business Committee, to introduce the legislation. During the hearing on Monday, Gjonaj pointed out that despite declines from their 2019 total, the number of summonses issued by city agencies climbed to nearly 530,000 in 2020.
"It is evident by the number of violations issued that the city continued to issue summons at alarming rates," he said.
The Office of Administrative Trials and Hearings issued $362 million in imposed fines against people, businesses and property in 2020 and received $58.8 million in payments, said Marisa Senigo, OATH deputy commissioner. These numbers are down from the $484 million in imposed penalties and $165.9 million paid in 2019.
Senigo noted that, on average, approximately 40% of summonses that are fought at OATH hearings are dismissed.
Bookman found it ironic that the mayor's own agencies oppose the reform bills, considering that as public advocate, de Blasio issued calls for the city to "stop treating small businesses like an ATM" and examine the fines it levies.
"De Blasio claimed he was going to do a lot more than he did," Bookman said. "It's worse for the city to have such a negative regulatory environment than lose some tens of millions in fines."
Top Cop Defends Decision to Disband Controversial Anti-Crime Unit
NY1
Mar. 2, 2021
Police Commissioner Dermot Shea says reassigning officers from that beat has allowed the NYPD to refocus its efforts, especially on gun arrests.
Police Commissioner Dermot Shea is standing by his decision to disband the NYPD's controversial anti-crime unit.
Speaking on NY1 Tuesday morning, Shea made it clear that it was his call and not the mayor's to get rid of the plainclothes unit this past summer.
Some officers that worked that particular beat were involved in contentious shootings of civilians, and drew a number of complaints from New Yorkers.
Shea believes reassigning these officers has allowed the department to refocus its efforts, especially on gun arrests.
Shea said so far this year, there has been a 60% to 70% percent rise in gun arrests. However, he also believes the court system is allowing too many of these suspects back out onto the streets.
"It's not, 'we need more gun arrests.' We need, when we make a gun arrest, that they are treated seriously in the court system. That there's consequences. And you gotta have that swift and certain consequences for when you commit these crimes," Shea said on "Mornings On 1."
Shea also pledged to keep subway riders safe after recent violent crimes in mass transit.
He said despite these crimes, the year-to-date numbers on major crimes in transit has fallen nearly 60%.
ANALYSIS: Mayoral Candidates Have Big Plans For The Streets (But Not All Know How to Get it Done)
Mar. 2, 2021
Police Commissioner Dermot Shea says reassigning officers from that beat has allowed the NYPD to refocus its efforts, especially on gun arrests.
Police Commissioner Dermot Shea is standing by his decision to disband the NYPD's controversial anti-crime unit.
Speaking on NY1 Tuesday morning, Shea made it clear that it was his call and not the mayor's to get rid of the plainclothes unit this past summer.
Some officers that worked that particular beat were involved in contentious shootings of civilians, and drew a number of complaints from New Yorkers.
Shea believes reassigning these officers has allowed the department to refocus its efforts, especially on gun arrests.
Shea said so far this year, there has been a 60% to 70% percent rise in gun arrests. However, he also believes the court system is allowing too many of these suspects back out onto the streets.
"It's not, 'we need more gun arrests.' We need, when we make a gun arrest, that they are treated seriously in the court system. That there's consequences. And you gotta have that swift and certain consequences for when you commit these crimes," Shea said on "Mornings On 1."
Shea also pledged to keep subway riders safe after recent violent crimes in mass transit.
He said despite these crimes, the year-to-date numbers on major crimes in transit has fallen nearly 60%.
ANALYSIS: Mayoral Candidates Have Big Plans For The Streets (But Not All Know How to Get it Done)
Streetsblog
Mar. 3, 2021
Will the next mayor's big bike plans still work when they get punched in the face?
At Monday night's bike-focused mayoral forum, every candidate told moderator and Bike New York Director of Advocacy and Communications Jon Orcutt that he or she had big plans for turning New York City into a real bike-friendly place.
But how can such an ambition be achieved? That's where the answers left some veterans of city cycling politics hoping for more. Let's take a look.
Expansion efforts
Brooklyn Borough President Eric Adams appeared to be the only one who wanted to look past traditional community board involvement in the bike lane process. Adams spoke about smaller conversations led by "credible messengers," who can ease a community's concerns before opposition gets locked in.
"Here's the problem we're having now: people, rightfully or wrongfully, connect bike lanes with gentrification," said Adams. "People believe they're an indicator they'll be displaced and it's not something that's part of the overall build-out of their community. Let's change that dialogue. We need to bring in the credible messengers of these communities and engage them in the benefits of safe biking. Have clergy rides, have rides with BIDs and civic groups. The real change comes from the ground up."
Adams's comments fit the mold of Transportation Alternatives's "NYC 25×25" plan, which seeks to go beyond community boards as gatekeepers and expand the range of voices who get to weigh in on streetscape changes. But Adams also relied on a trope that community boards seem to lean on whenever they don't get the street designs they want: "No one listens to us."
"I've communicated with community board members around the borough, and I'm telling you that at the heart of their concerns, they feel, 'Eric, no one is talking to us they're talking at us.'"
Meet the mayor
Comptroller Scott Stringer gets a medal for bravery for his answer, but the reality of his answer fits awkwardly with his ambitious plans.
"I will commit to this: As mayor I'll go to community boards, I'll build consensus around the table," Stringer said.
It's very funny to picture the mayor going to Brooklyn Community Board 10, where DOT reps have said they fear being tarred and feathered for removing parking spaces, to pitch something more than the paint on the ground. But Stringer may have a lifetime of working with community boards, but advocates point out that the process still would be stuck in the old ways even if the mayor is willing to get in there himself.
"I'd love to think someone could come along with the kind of talent it would take to get everyone on the same page about a new bike lane, but that would be a skill more akin to magic than politics," said Doug Gordon. "We need the next mayor to redefine and streamline community engagement."
Besides, it's not like Mayor de Blasio hasn't put in some face time and taken questions on bike lanes during community forums. And look how well that worked out for the still-unfinished final leg of the Queens Boulevard bike lane.
Consultancy firms
The closest anyone came to telling community boards they might have to kick rocks was former Sanitation Commissioner Kathryn Garcia, who said that she sees a role for community boards to advise on a process, but not much beyond that. Garcia said that she would approach New Yorkers, and community boards, with a total vision of her bike network to allow them to see their place in it. Seeing that, Garcia suggested, would spur support, especially in a world where the open streets and open restaurants programs happened and didn't destroy the city.
The former trash chief said that she wanted to allow community boards to keep a consultation role around bike lanes, but seemed to suggest they wouldn't be able to opt out of Mayor Garcia's citywide bike network.
"It'd be like if you couldn't ride the subway between the Seventh Avenue stop and the Fort Hamilton stop on the F train," said Garcia. "That sort of strands everybody at the end of the line. So you need to ensure people think of bike lanes in the same way they think of the subway, as a network of connectivity."
On the other hand, learned New Yorkers suggested that some community boards would choose parking over subway entrances if given the choice.
Combo meal
Former Bloomberg and Obama official Shaun Donovan said that his big plan to win over community boards would be to present his streetscape changes as a combo meal, because who doesn't love getting sides included with a main course?
"If we're introducing this as a comprehensive set of options, where say you're going to get a bus system that gets to job centers in 15 or 20 minutes instead of an hour, if we truly are aligning the signaling with the buses, and in those transformations are also adding bike lanes and other options, we're bringing Citi Bike, I think you start to change that conversation, not just with what you're taking away in terms of cars but what you're adding in terms of cars," said Donovan. "And that I think can start to change the conversation."
It's an interesting proposal, and one that gets at what de Blasio said when he introduced the Green Wave, that people needed better mass transit options along with safe bike routes in order to embrace getting out of cars. On the other hand, the city tried this when it included bike lanes in the 14th Street Busway proposal — and, if anything, that combo only made the opposition angrier. If it doesn't work well in Manhattan, how would a combo meal taking more parking and travel lanes work somewhere like Main Street, where "BLM" stands for "Business Lives Matter," according to City Council Member Peter Koo.
Who's running the show
Ray McGuire, the banking executive whose legendary silence towards Streetsblog left us without a clear picture of where he stood on safe streets, showed up to the forum with a background bike and a proclamation that he was in "all-in" on bikes.
However, McGuire's excitement was tempered with the belief that the city been big-footing neighborhoods and not allowing them to have control of the streets. McGuire said he'd lay out a vision for a connected bike network, but the commitment to building it relied on getting permission.
"What we haven't done with major projects like this before is involve the people who are going to be most impacted," said McGuire, using an odd term — major projects — to describe bike lanes. "We prescribe, but we haven't included. In my leadership, we would get the right leaders in the communities and if we have to go down by neighborhood, then we'll do that, because that's where people's lives will be most impacted."
McGuire seems animated by bikelash talking points about the heavy hand of the DOT, but in a world where the agency holds visioning sessions and promises yearlong outreach efforts for a bike network in East Flatbush that doesn't even guarantee protected bike lanes, who is best-served by an insistence that the city is moving too fast? Besides, polling shows that New Yorkers want safe streets, so why shy away from a big push?
What?
Current frontrunner Andrew Yang didn't so much dodge the question as much as he tripped over it like Dick Van Dyke meeting an ottoman. His answer, in full. before pivoting to why he wanted control of the MTA:
I've had some of those conversations, quite recently. When I talk to folks about bike lanes in certain parts of the city, there is some resistance. One of the things they say is 'If it makes it hard for me to drive a car, I'm not into it.' But they also say 'If it's gonna cost me money I'm not into it.' Those are the two main objections. One of the things I respond with is, it's hard for someone to see it as a possibility if something isn't there yet. So one thing I'd like to see is a bike lane on the Verrazzano Bridge.
So anyway, there's your frontrunner.
I'm a school psychologist trained for tense situations. Too often, schools call the police instead of letting me do my job.
Mar. 3, 2021
Will the next mayor's big bike plans still work when they get punched in the face?
At Monday night's bike-focused mayoral forum, every candidate told moderator and Bike New York Director of Advocacy and Communications Jon Orcutt that he or she had big plans for turning New York City into a real bike-friendly place.
But how can such an ambition be achieved? That's where the answers left some veterans of city cycling politics hoping for more. Let's take a look.
Expansion efforts
Brooklyn Borough President Eric Adams appeared to be the only one who wanted to look past traditional community board involvement in the bike lane process. Adams spoke about smaller conversations led by "credible messengers," who can ease a community's concerns before opposition gets locked in.
"Here's the problem we're having now: people, rightfully or wrongfully, connect bike lanes with gentrification," said Adams. "People believe they're an indicator they'll be displaced and it's not something that's part of the overall build-out of their community. Let's change that dialogue. We need to bring in the credible messengers of these communities and engage them in the benefits of safe biking. Have clergy rides, have rides with BIDs and civic groups. The real change comes from the ground up."
Adams's comments fit the mold of Transportation Alternatives's "NYC 25×25" plan, which seeks to go beyond community boards as gatekeepers and expand the range of voices who get to weigh in on streetscape changes. But Adams also relied on a trope that community boards seem to lean on whenever they don't get the street designs they want: "No one listens to us."
"I've communicated with community board members around the borough, and I'm telling you that at the heart of their concerns, they feel, 'Eric, no one is talking to us they're talking at us.'"
Meet the mayor
Comptroller Scott Stringer gets a medal for bravery for his answer, but the reality of his answer fits awkwardly with his ambitious plans.
"I will commit to this: As mayor I'll go to community boards, I'll build consensus around the table," Stringer said.
It's very funny to picture the mayor going to Brooklyn Community Board 10, where DOT reps have said they fear being tarred and feathered for removing parking spaces, to pitch something more than the paint on the ground. But Stringer may have a lifetime of working with community boards, but advocates point out that the process still would be stuck in the old ways even if the mayor is willing to get in there himself.
"I'd love to think someone could come along with the kind of talent it would take to get everyone on the same page about a new bike lane, but that would be a skill more akin to magic than politics," said Doug Gordon. "We need the next mayor to redefine and streamline community engagement."
Besides, it's not like Mayor de Blasio hasn't put in some face time and taken questions on bike lanes during community forums. And look how well that worked out for the still-unfinished final leg of the Queens Boulevard bike lane.
Consultancy firms
The closest anyone came to telling community boards they might have to kick rocks was former Sanitation Commissioner Kathryn Garcia, who said that she sees a role for community boards to advise on a process, but not much beyond that. Garcia said that she would approach New Yorkers, and community boards, with a total vision of her bike network to allow them to see their place in it. Seeing that, Garcia suggested, would spur support, especially in a world where the open streets and open restaurants programs happened and didn't destroy the city.
The former trash chief said that she wanted to allow community boards to keep a consultation role around bike lanes, but seemed to suggest they wouldn't be able to opt out of Mayor Garcia's citywide bike network.
"It'd be like if you couldn't ride the subway between the Seventh Avenue stop and the Fort Hamilton stop on the F train," said Garcia. "That sort of strands everybody at the end of the line. So you need to ensure people think of bike lanes in the same way they think of the subway, as a network of connectivity."
On the other hand, learned New Yorkers suggested that some community boards would choose parking over subway entrances if given the choice.
Combo meal
Former Bloomberg and Obama official Shaun Donovan said that his big plan to win over community boards would be to present his streetscape changes as a combo meal, because who doesn't love getting sides included with a main course?
"If we're introducing this as a comprehensive set of options, where say you're going to get a bus system that gets to job centers in 15 or 20 minutes instead of an hour, if we truly are aligning the signaling with the buses, and in those transformations are also adding bike lanes and other options, we're bringing Citi Bike, I think you start to change that conversation, not just with what you're taking away in terms of cars but what you're adding in terms of cars," said Donovan. "And that I think can start to change the conversation."
It's an interesting proposal, and one that gets at what de Blasio said when he introduced the Green Wave, that people needed better mass transit options along with safe bike routes in order to embrace getting out of cars. On the other hand, the city tried this when it included bike lanes in the 14th Street Busway proposal — and, if anything, that combo only made the opposition angrier. If it doesn't work well in Manhattan, how would a combo meal taking more parking and travel lanes work somewhere like Main Street, where "BLM" stands for "Business Lives Matter," according to City Council Member Peter Koo.
Who's running the show
Ray McGuire, the banking executive whose legendary silence towards Streetsblog left us without a clear picture of where he stood on safe streets, showed up to the forum with a background bike and a proclamation that he was in "all-in" on bikes.
However, McGuire's excitement was tempered with the belief that the city been big-footing neighborhoods and not allowing them to have control of the streets. McGuire said he'd lay out a vision for a connected bike network, but the commitment to building it relied on getting permission.
"What we haven't done with major projects like this before is involve the people who are going to be most impacted," said McGuire, using an odd term — major projects — to describe bike lanes. "We prescribe, but we haven't included. In my leadership, we would get the right leaders in the communities and if we have to go down by neighborhood, then we'll do that, because that's where people's lives will be most impacted."
McGuire seems animated by bikelash talking points about the heavy hand of the DOT, but in a world where the agency holds visioning sessions and promises yearlong outreach efforts for a bike network in East Flatbush that doesn't even guarantee protected bike lanes, who is best-served by an insistence that the city is moving too fast? Besides, polling shows that New Yorkers want safe streets, so why shy away from a big push?
What?
Current frontrunner Andrew Yang didn't so much dodge the question as much as he tripped over it like Dick Van Dyke meeting an ottoman. His answer, in full. before pivoting to why he wanted control of the MTA:
I've had some of those conversations, quite recently. When I talk to folks about bike lanes in certain parts of the city, there is some resistance. One of the things they say is 'If it makes it hard for me to drive a car, I'm not into it.' But they also say 'If it's gonna cost me money I'm not into it.' Those are the two main objections. One of the things I respond with is, it's hard for someone to see it as a possibility if something isn't there yet. So one thing I'd like to see is a bike lane on the Verrazzano Bridge.
So anyway, there's your frontrunner.
I'm a school psychologist trained for tense situations. Too often, schools call the police instead of letting me do my job.
Chalkbeat
Mar. 2, 2021
As a school psychologist, I've spent most of my time providing counseling for students and making sure those considered academically or behaviorally at risk get the services they're entitled to. It has been rewarding, but also frustrating, as I watched as students with disabilities were disproportionately disciplined.
I will never forget a 2019 encounter involving a student and police officers, about a year into my job at a New York City charter school. A colleague had asked me to come to her second grade classroom. A new student in her class was displaying the aggressive and disruptive behaviors that were evidenced in her Individualized Education Program. I witnessed the student flip over desks, empty the bookshelves, and throw various items at myself and the paraprofessional.
This student needed someone to step in and help her de-escalate her emotions, and then find out what she was trying to communicate. I did not expect school protocol to override my experience. After all, I was educated and prepared for these scenarios. Still, school safety officers, trained and employed by the NYPD, were called by the school's office staff despite my objections.
Within 15 minutes there were approximately 10 police officers in the classroom, with four hovering over the student. I asked the officers to move away from the student and limit their verbal demands as the student was still escalated, but they ignored my instructions. The student reacted and kicked one of the officers, which heightened the tension in the room. Emergency medical services arrived and told me they would be taking her to the hospital. I was furious.
The student was not actively engaging in self harm. To me, the student lacked specific coping skills to deal with intense emotions and had not mastered those coping skills in our counseling sessions just yet. Consequently, her behaviors were medicalized and criminalized.
This took place at school in a New York City charter network that has faced criticism for how it handles student discipline and treats students with disabilities. I had hoped this job would prove different than my last experience working in a charter system, but this experience showed me it wasn't. While the charter network's mission was to advocate for public policies to close opportunity gaps, their policies increased suspensions and expulsions — limiting a student's access to opportunities for years to come.
I have heard and read of similar stories at other schools, charter and traditional public. Too often, there is still an ocean between the school safety officer's job description and what is being practiced in schools. In theory, school officers are there to ensure the safety of students, faculty, and building visitors. However, zero-tolerance discipline policies — and the presence of officers who often know little about childhood trauma or disability — can lead to an escalation of such incidents whenever school officers are involved. (This is still happening, even though research has shown that zero tolerance policies don't work and can be harmful, and even though some schools and districts have publicly reversed course.)
The criminalization of Black students in schools is not a new or surprising phenomena, when you consider the history of America accompanied with the origins of the public school system and policing. It took a 1954 landmark ruling for the public education — created to educate white people and preserve whiteness — to be legally desegregated. Meanwhile, our system of policing has roots in slave patrols. When acknowledging and examining that history, one can begin to understand the dynamic and violent interactions between police and Black students in schools.
The overrepresentation of Black students in special education, the disproportionate discipline of Black students, and the use of punitive school discipline practices that put students in contact with law enforcement reflect a society whose education system is rooted in racism and oppression. School culture and current policies powerfully shape how educators perceive students' behavior. At the charter school where I worked, the behavioral expectation is that they cannot allow one child to disrupt the learning environment. This belief does not account for how a student's disability may show up in the school environment. And it does not consider how that student can be supported, rather than punished.
Two days following the incident I described above, the student returned to the school building. She had been briefly suspended for engaging in what the school considered acts of violence per the code of conduct and district-wide school safety plan. Instead of allowing me to do my job, which included following the behavior plan with fidelity and helping the student regulate her emotions with the tools taught in counseling, the school set a precedent that would increase the likelihood of further interactions with law enforcement and the juvenile justice system.
Alexandria Lockhart is a school psychologist in New York City, a Southern California native, and a graduate of CSU Long Beach and Azusa Pacific University. She is a firm advocate for police-free schools and racial equity in special education.
Proposed Tweet:
When a 9-year old is displaying disruptive behaviors in class, the knee-jerk reaction cannot be to call in 10 police officers. Thank you to school psychologist Alexandria Lockhart for sharing her experiences. We need to pay more attention to helping our kids, providing them with the support they need. via @ChalkbeatNY
https://ny.chalkbeat.org/2021/3/2/22304387/school-psychologist-school-police
De Blasio pushes 'aggressive' approval of NYC's congestion pricing in call with Buttigieg
Mar. 2, 2021
As a school psychologist, I've spent most of my time providing counseling for students and making sure those considered academically or behaviorally at risk get the services they're entitled to. It has been rewarding, but also frustrating, as I watched as students with disabilities were disproportionately disciplined.
I will never forget a 2019 encounter involving a student and police officers, about a year into my job at a New York City charter school. A colleague had asked me to come to her second grade classroom. A new student in her class was displaying the aggressive and disruptive behaviors that were evidenced in her Individualized Education Program. I witnessed the student flip over desks, empty the bookshelves, and throw various items at myself and the paraprofessional.
This student needed someone to step in and help her de-escalate her emotions, and then find out what she was trying to communicate. I did not expect school protocol to override my experience. After all, I was educated and prepared for these scenarios. Still, school safety officers, trained and employed by the NYPD, were called by the school's office staff despite my objections.
Within 15 minutes there were approximately 10 police officers in the classroom, with four hovering over the student. I asked the officers to move away from the student and limit their verbal demands as the student was still escalated, but they ignored my instructions. The student reacted and kicked one of the officers, which heightened the tension in the room. Emergency medical services arrived and told me they would be taking her to the hospital. I was furious.
The student was not actively engaging in self harm. To me, the student lacked specific coping skills to deal with intense emotions and had not mastered those coping skills in our counseling sessions just yet. Consequently, her behaviors were medicalized and criminalized.
This took place at school in a New York City charter network that has faced criticism for how it handles student discipline and treats students with disabilities. I had hoped this job would prove different than my last experience working in a charter system, but this experience showed me it wasn't. While the charter network's mission was to advocate for public policies to close opportunity gaps, their policies increased suspensions and expulsions — limiting a student's access to opportunities for years to come.
I have heard and read of similar stories at other schools, charter and traditional public. Too often, there is still an ocean between the school safety officer's job description and what is being practiced in schools. In theory, school officers are there to ensure the safety of students, faculty, and building visitors. However, zero-tolerance discipline policies — and the presence of officers who often know little about childhood trauma or disability — can lead to an escalation of such incidents whenever school officers are involved. (This is still happening, even though research has shown that zero tolerance policies don't work and can be harmful, and even though some schools and districts have publicly reversed course.)
The criminalization of Black students in schools is not a new or surprising phenomena, when you consider the history of America accompanied with the origins of the public school system and policing. It took a 1954 landmark ruling for the public education — created to educate white people and preserve whiteness — to be legally desegregated. Meanwhile, our system of policing has roots in slave patrols. When acknowledging and examining that history, one can begin to understand the dynamic and violent interactions between police and Black students in schools.
The overrepresentation of Black students in special education, the disproportionate discipline of Black students, and the use of punitive school discipline practices that put students in contact with law enforcement reflect a society whose education system is rooted in racism and oppression. School culture and current policies powerfully shape how educators perceive students' behavior. At the charter school where I worked, the behavioral expectation is that they cannot allow one child to disrupt the learning environment. This belief does not account for how a student's disability may show up in the school environment. And it does not consider how that student can be supported, rather than punished.
Two days following the incident I described above, the student returned to the school building. She had been briefly suspended for engaging in what the school considered acts of violence per the code of conduct and district-wide school safety plan. Instead of allowing me to do my job, which included following the behavior plan with fidelity and helping the student regulate her emotions with the tools taught in counseling, the school set a precedent that would increase the likelihood of further interactions with law enforcement and the juvenile justice system.
Alexandria Lockhart is a school psychologist in New York City, a Southern California native, and a graduate of CSU Long Beach and Azusa Pacific University. She is a firm advocate for police-free schools and racial equity in special education.
Proposed Tweet:
When a 9-year old is displaying disruptive behaviors in class, the knee-jerk reaction cannot be to call in 10 police officers. Thank you to school psychologist Alexandria Lockhart for sharing her experiences. We need to pay more attention to helping our kids, providing them with the support they need. via @ChalkbeatNY
https://ny.chalkbeat.org/2021/3/2/22304387/school-psychologist-school-police
De Blasio pushes 'aggressive' approval of NYC's congestion pricing in call with Buttigieg
NY Daily News
Mar. 2, 2021
Federal approval of New York City's congestion pricing program will move forward "aggressively" under the leadership of new Transportation Secretary Pete Buttigieg, Mayor de Blasio said Tuesday.
Hizzoner said he spoke with Buttigieg last week about the scheme, which aims to pour billions into long-overdue transit upgrades at the Metropolitan Transportation Authority by charging motorists a new toll when they drive south of 61st St. in Manhattan.
The tolls were scheduled go live in early 2021 after the Legislature authorized the plan in 2019 — but transit officials have for more than a year said holdups by the Trump administration delayed the launch until at least 2023.
The program requires U.S. Department of Transportation approval because many of Manhattan's streets receive federal funding and are a part of the federal highway system.
"One of the ways to help benefit the MTA — the bottom line of the MTA and make sure we have the mass transit we need — is to move congestion pricing aggressively," de Blasio said at a news conference. "He heard me loud and clear — New York City is ready to go. I think he's going to do a lot to help us."
"Let's speed up the process," he added.
Speeding up that process would first require officials at the Federal Highway Administration — which is under Buttigieg's DOT — to tell MTA honchos what kind of environmental review process is needed before the tolls launch.
MTA officials said congestion pricing could be approved quickly if a process called an environmental assessment is needed. But the launch could take years if a more arduous environmental impact statement that dives deep into alternatives to congestion pricing is required by the feds, officials said.
"We've said all along that this environmentally friendly program will ease congestion, boost mass transit, reduce air pollution, and improve air quality and health — something of particular importance to our communities of color," MTA Chairman Patrick Foye said in a statement, calling the delays "cynical and indefensible."
The MTA in 2019 inked a $507 million contract with TransCore — a Tennessee-based company — to install the tolling system across Manhattan, which includes hundreds of E-ZPass readers and cameras at dozens of intersections, including some right in front of the Trump International Hotel on Central Park West.
TransCore is required by contract to install the equipment within 310 days after the MTA gives the green light — but that can't happen until the feds sign off.
Even with the Trump administration's purported delays, the MTA is behind schedule on appointing a group called the "Traffic Mobility Review Board" that was mandated by the same legislation that launched congestion pricing. The board is to be composed of six people appointed by local leaders and must recommend the prices for the tolls.
Proposed Tweet:
The Trump administration held up congestion pricing in NYC. It's time to move forward, alleviating traffic and boosting funds for public transit all at the same time.
https://www.nydailynews.com/new-york/ny-congestion-pricing-de-blasio-buttigieg-20210302-ieafjahjincx7kk5cj7wfquika-story.html
Mar. 2, 2021
Federal approval of New York City's congestion pricing program will move forward "aggressively" under the leadership of new Transportation Secretary Pete Buttigieg, Mayor de Blasio said Tuesday.
Hizzoner said he spoke with Buttigieg last week about the scheme, which aims to pour billions into long-overdue transit upgrades at the Metropolitan Transportation Authority by charging motorists a new toll when they drive south of 61st St. in Manhattan.
The tolls were scheduled go live in early 2021 after the Legislature authorized the plan in 2019 — but transit officials have for more than a year said holdups by the Trump administration delayed the launch until at least 2023.
The program requires U.S. Department of Transportation approval because many of Manhattan's streets receive federal funding and are a part of the federal highway system.
"One of the ways to help benefit the MTA — the bottom line of the MTA and make sure we have the mass transit we need — is to move congestion pricing aggressively," de Blasio said at a news conference. "He heard me loud and clear — New York City is ready to go. I think he's going to do a lot to help us."
"Let's speed up the process," he added.
Speeding up that process would first require officials at the Federal Highway Administration — which is under Buttigieg's DOT — to tell MTA honchos what kind of environmental review process is needed before the tolls launch.
MTA officials said congestion pricing could be approved quickly if a process called an environmental assessment is needed. But the launch could take years if a more arduous environmental impact statement that dives deep into alternatives to congestion pricing is required by the feds, officials said.
"We've said all along that this environmentally friendly program will ease congestion, boost mass transit, reduce air pollution, and improve air quality and health — something of particular importance to our communities of color," MTA Chairman Patrick Foye said in a statement, calling the delays "cynical and indefensible."
The MTA in 2019 inked a $507 million contract with TransCore — a Tennessee-based company — to install the tolling system across Manhattan, which includes hundreds of E-ZPass readers and cameras at dozens of intersections, including some right in front of the Trump International Hotel on Central Park West.
TransCore is required by contract to install the equipment within 310 days after the MTA gives the green light — but that can't happen until the feds sign off.
Even with the Trump administration's purported delays, the MTA is behind schedule on appointing a group called the "Traffic Mobility Review Board" that was mandated by the same legislation that launched congestion pricing. The board is to be composed of six people appointed by local leaders and must recommend the prices for the tolls.
Proposed Tweet:
The Trump administration held up congestion pricing in NYC. It's time to move forward, alleviating traffic and boosting funds for public transit all at the same time.
https://www.nydailynews.com/new-york/ny-congestion-pricing-de-blasio-buttigieg-20210302-ieafjahjincx7kk5cj7wfquika-story.html
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