Daily News Summary
Cuomo Losing Power and Allies as Crisis Deepens
NY Times
Feb. 3, 2021
With allegations of unsettling behavior toward women spilling into the public eye, Gov. Andrew M. Cuomo spent Tuesday fending off calls for his resignation, with few voluble defenders in a moment of unparalleled weakness in his decade-long tenure in Albany.
Signs of the governor's diminished sway were everywhere.
A small, but expanding, coterie of Democratic lawmakers called on Mr. Cuomo to step down, as did the state Working Families Party, which has frequently clashed with the governor. Among some donors, there was an increasing sense of discomfort with reports of Mr. Cuomo's behavior and uncertainty around his future, with one active Democratic donor describing a growing instinct to "hedge their bets."
Representative Lee Zeldin, a Long Island Republican, announced on Tuesday that he was "actively exploring" a run for governor.
Still, for all that, one major bulwark to any forced departure — the Democrat-dominated statehouse, which could impeach him — appeared to be holding, for now at least. Impeachment would require mass defections by Democrats in both the State Assembly and the Senate, which seemed unlikely as of Tuesday.
The leaders of both chambers, however, did strike a deal to impose limits and additional oversight on Mr. Cuomo's pandemic-era powers.
The move was the latest rebuke of the governor by members of his own party, a way for the Legislature to flex its muscle and reprimand him for withholding data on nursing home deaths and, more symbolically, the sexual harassment allegations.
Mr. Cuomo, 63, has been accused of sexually harassing two former aides, including Charlotte Bennett, 25, who said the governor had complained of being lonely and asked if she slept with older men during a meeting in his Capitol office last year.
Mr. Cuomo has not directly challenged Ms. Bennett's claims, though he flatly denied some other accusations against him. On Sunday night, he sought to explain his behavior, saying that some of his comments in the past "may have been insensitive or too personal," and "made others feel in ways I never intended."
"I acknowledge some of the things I have said have been misinterpreted as an unwanted flirtation," Mr. Cuomo said. "To the extent anyone felt that way, I am truly sorry about that."
On Monday, The New York Times detailed another encounter where Mr. Cuomo had touched a young woman's bare back, cupped her face and planted an unwanted kiss on her cheek at a 2019 wedding.
That disclosure prompted Representative Kathleen Rice, a Long Island Democrat, to call for Mr. Cuomo's resignation, saying, "The time has come."
Ms. Rice, a former Nassau County district attorney, became the first Democratic member of the state's congressional delegation to call for the governor to step down. Others, including Senators Chuck Schumer and Kirsten Gillibrand, reiterated their support for an independent investigation.
Mr. Cuomo's outsize presence in state politics seems to be cutting both ways in his current political crisis: Many privately express spite toward him, but few in his party have dared to take him on. The promised investigation of Mr. Cuomo's behavior has given many elected officials political cover, allowing them to express concern about the allegations, while asserting that they are still, at this point, just that: allegations, albeit from three women who have given on-the-record accounts.
Mr. Cuomo has not made a public appearance since last Wednesday morning, when the first accuser — Lindsey Boylan — posted a lengthy essay about his behavior, including what she said was another unwanted kiss, on the lips, in 2018. The governor has denied her account.
Mr. Cuomo, a third-term Democrat, had no comment on Tuesday on the calls to resign, though he has previously voiced support for an investigation of his own behavior, granting the state attorney general, Letitia James, permission to deputize an outside lawyer to look into the claims.
When asked what the governor was doing amid intense scrutiny into his conduct, an aide referred to a news release about a pilot program to administer the new Johnson & Johnson vaccine at mass vaccination sites.
A number of state legislators, especially some of the governor's most frequent critics, were far more direct than many of their counterparts in Washington as they pressed for Mr. Cuomo to step aside.
"I don't think someone who treats women like that should be in power," said State Senator John C. Liu. "Silence is complicity. And when women, and people, suffer harassment of any kind, they should not fear speaking out. Part of that means not allowing people to feel lonely and isolated by, quote, 'playing it safe,' end quote, and keeping silent."
The deal to restrict Mr. Cuomo's pandemic-era powers will still allow the governor to issue executive orders that are deemed critical to responding to the pandemic. Existing directives — such as those mandating mask wearing — would remain in effect. Lawmakers, however, would now have the ability to review any directives the governor decides to extend or modify, such as increasing indoor capacity in restaurants.
The Legislature, where Democrats possess majorities large enough to override a potential veto from Mr. Cuomo, could vote on the legislation as soon as Friday or Monday, according to Assemblyman John T. McDonald, a Democrat.
There are also signs that among some key political constituencies, there remains significant good will toward Mr. Cuomo, especially tied to how he led the state in the early months of the pandemic.
"I think it's ridiculous to ask him to resign," said Hazel N. Dukes, the president of the N.A.A.C.P. New York State Conference. "We have an investigation going on. Everybody should have due process for allegations made against them. That's democracy in America."
Ms. Dukes's remarks were echoed by Jay Jacobs, a friend of Mr. Cuomo's who serves as New York State Democratic Party chairman. He issued a lengthy statement on Tuesday saying it was "both premature and unfair for anyone to opine on the outcome until that investigation is completed and the results reported."
But that sort of response was openly mocked by some of the governor's critics, including a raft of younger, more progressive lawmakers.
"You know what's premature and unfair?" wrote State Senator Jessica Ramos, a Queens Democrat, on Twitter. "Grabbing someone's face without their consent."
Indeed, the controversy over Mr. Cuomo's behavior seemed to be revealing a split in the state party between established Democratic Party loyalists and more ideological, socially conscious members.
Laurie A. Cumbo, the majority leader for the New York City Council, said that it was vital to both "provide a safe space and place for women to come forward" and to allow an independent investigation to run its course.
"Sure we can cancel him, sure we can ask him to resign, sure we can demand that he resign and we move forward, but once we've canceled Gov. Cuomo, are we just creating, you know, this cycle?" she said. "How can we do something other than cancel here to really get to the heart of creating a solution and the understanding and the humanity that it takes in a workplace environment to address this issue?"
Many lawmakers were eager to reach a deal on the governor's emergency powers, concerned that the debate had overshadowed negotiations of the state budget, due April 1.
But the fallout from Mr. Cuomo's sexual harassment allegations has once again threatened to eclipse, or possibly derail, the budget discussions, an important moment of the year in Albany when the most significant policies are negotiated.
Indeed, the business community is already fretting about what a governor with reduced leverage might mean for their interests.
"For the last decade, they've relied on Cuomo as the moderating voice in state public policy and budget negotiations," said Kathryn S. Wylde, the president of the Partnership for New York City, a nonprofit business group. "The concern is that his voice will be weakened and distracted during a critical period for the city and state as we're attempting to get out of a deep economic hole."
The Waiting Game for Pandemic Rent Relief in New York
Feb. 3, 2021
With allegations of unsettling behavior toward women spilling into the public eye, Gov. Andrew M. Cuomo spent Tuesday fending off calls for his resignation, with few voluble defenders in a moment of unparalleled weakness in his decade-long tenure in Albany.
Signs of the governor's diminished sway were everywhere.
A small, but expanding, coterie of Democratic lawmakers called on Mr. Cuomo to step down, as did the state Working Families Party, which has frequently clashed with the governor. Among some donors, there was an increasing sense of discomfort with reports of Mr. Cuomo's behavior and uncertainty around his future, with one active Democratic donor describing a growing instinct to "hedge their bets."
Representative Lee Zeldin, a Long Island Republican, announced on Tuesday that he was "actively exploring" a run for governor.
Still, for all that, one major bulwark to any forced departure — the Democrat-dominated statehouse, which could impeach him — appeared to be holding, for now at least. Impeachment would require mass defections by Democrats in both the State Assembly and the Senate, which seemed unlikely as of Tuesday.
The leaders of both chambers, however, did strike a deal to impose limits and additional oversight on Mr. Cuomo's pandemic-era powers.
The move was the latest rebuke of the governor by members of his own party, a way for the Legislature to flex its muscle and reprimand him for withholding data on nursing home deaths and, more symbolically, the sexual harassment allegations.
Mr. Cuomo, 63, has been accused of sexually harassing two former aides, including Charlotte Bennett, 25, who said the governor had complained of being lonely and asked if she slept with older men during a meeting in his Capitol office last year.
Mr. Cuomo has not directly challenged Ms. Bennett's claims, though he flatly denied some other accusations against him. On Sunday night, he sought to explain his behavior, saying that some of his comments in the past "may have been insensitive or too personal," and "made others feel in ways I never intended."
"I acknowledge some of the things I have said have been misinterpreted as an unwanted flirtation," Mr. Cuomo said. "To the extent anyone felt that way, I am truly sorry about that."
On Monday, The New York Times detailed another encounter where Mr. Cuomo had touched a young woman's bare back, cupped her face and planted an unwanted kiss on her cheek at a 2019 wedding.
That disclosure prompted Representative Kathleen Rice, a Long Island Democrat, to call for Mr. Cuomo's resignation, saying, "The time has come."
Ms. Rice, a former Nassau County district attorney, became the first Democratic member of the state's congressional delegation to call for the governor to step down. Others, including Senators Chuck Schumer and Kirsten Gillibrand, reiterated their support for an independent investigation.
Mr. Cuomo's outsize presence in state politics seems to be cutting both ways in his current political crisis: Many privately express spite toward him, but few in his party have dared to take him on. The promised investigation of Mr. Cuomo's behavior has given many elected officials political cover, allowing them to express concern about the allegations, while asserting that they are still, at this point, just that: allegations, albeit from three women who have given on-the-record accounts.
Mr. Cuomo has not made a public appearance since last Wednesday morning, when the first accuser — Lindsey Boylan — posted a lengthy essay about his behavior, including what she said was another unwanted kiss, on the lips, in 2018. The governor has denied her account.
Mr. Cuomo, a third-term Democrat, had no comment on Tuesday on the calls to resign, though he has previously voiced support for an investigation of his own behavior, granting the state attorney general, Letitia James, permission to deputize an outside lawyer to look into the claims.
When asked what the governor was doing amid intense scrutiny into his conduct, an aide referred to a news release about a pilot program to administer the new Johnson & Johnson vaccine at mass vaccination sites.
A number of state legislators, especially some of the governor's most frequent critics, were far more direct than many of their counterparts in Washington as they pressed for Mr. Cuomo to step aside.
"I don't think someone who treats women like that should be in power," said State Senator John C. Liu. "Silence is complicity. And when women, and people, suffer harassment of any kind, they should not fear speaking out. Part of that means not allowing people to feel lonely and isolated by, quote, 'playing it safe,' end quote, and keeping silent."
The deal to restrict Mr. Cuomo's pandemic-era powers will still allow the governor to issue executive orders that are deemed critical to responding to the pandemic. Existing directives — such as those mandating mask wearing — would remain in effect. Lawmakers, however, would now have the ability to review any directives the governor decides to extend or modify, such as increasing indoor capacity in restaurants.
The Legislature, where Democrats possess majorities large enough to override a potential veto from Mr. Cuomo, could vote on the legislation as soon as Friday or Monday, according to Assemblyman John T. McDonald, a Democrat.
There are also signs that among some key political constituencies, there remains significant good will toward Mr. Cuomo, especially tied to how he led the state in the early months of the pandemic.
"I think it's ridiculous to ask him to resign," said Hazel N. Dukes, the president of the N.A.A.C.P. New York State Conference. "We have an investigation going on. Everybody should have due process for allegations made against them. That's democracy in America."
Ms. Dukes's remarks were echoed by Jay Jacobs, a friend of Mr. Cuomo's who serves as New York State Democratic Party chairman. He issued a lengthy statement on Tuesday saying it was "both premature and unfair for anyone to opine on the outcome until that investigation is completed and the results reported."
But that sort of response was openly mocked by some of the governor's critics, including a raft of younger, more progressive lawmakers.
"You know what's premature and unfair?" wrote State Senator Jessica Ramos, a Queens Democrat, on Twitter. "Grabbing someone's face without their consent."
Indeed, the controversy over Mr. Cuomo's behavior seemed to be revealing a split in the state party between established Democratic Party loyalists and more ideological, socially conscious members.
Laurie A. Cumbo, the majority leader for the New York City Council, said that it was vital to both "provide a safe space and place for women to come forward" and to allow an independent investigation to run its course.
"Sure we can cancel him, sure we can ask him to resign, sure we can demand that he resign and we move forward, but once we've canceled Gov. Cuomo, are we just creating, you know, this cycle?" she said. "How can we do something other than cancel here to really get to the heart of creating a solution and the understanding and the humanity that it takes in a workplace environment to address this issue?"
Many lawmakers were eager to reach a deal on the governor's emergency powers, concerned that the debate had overshadowed negotiations of the state budget, due April 1.
But the fallout from Mr. Cuomo's sexual harassment allegations has once again threatened to eclipse, or possibly derail, the budget discussions, an important moment of the year in Albany when the most significant policies are negotiated.
Indeed, the business community is already fretting about what a governor with reduced leverage might mean for their interests.
"For the last decade, they've relied on Cuomo as the moderating voice in state public policy and budget negotiations," said Kathryn S. Wylde, the president of the Partnership for New York City, a nonprofit business group. "The concern is that his voice will be weakened and distracted during a critical period for the city and state as we're attempting to get out of a deep economic hole."
The Waiting Game for Pandemic Rent Relief in New York
City Limits
Mar. 3, 2021
Tenant and landlord advocacy groups are pushing state legislators for immediate financial help for households and property owners facing financial difficulties during the pandemic. Some state lawmakers, meanwhile, say they are awaiting federal funds from the Biden administration and preparing legislation for how to use that money towards housing and rent relief.
The mounting cost of rent arrears has pressured advocates and community groups to protest over the past few days outside of housing court and state legislators' private residences. A September analysis, based largely on the Household Pulse Survey by the U.S. Census Bureau, estimated New York State could see between 800,000 to 1.23 million households unable to pay rent and at risk for eviction at the start of 2021, and facing rent debt between $2.5 to $3.4 billion. The office of State Senator Brian Kavanagh, who chairs the Senate's Committee on Housing, Construction and Community Development, says the estimate is currently bordering $2.2 billion in rent debt.
Advocacy groups say the economic impact of the pandemic could be devastating for the state and city's own recovery efforts. Tenant advocates assert that many tenants cannot pay landlords the rent, while landlord groups argue that they cannot afford to pay property taxes without rental income. Most recently, the city's Comptroller analysis on the city's preliminary budget showed a significant decline, by 4.3 percent, in the city's property tax revenue – the largest drop since 1996.
Last May, the state legislature passed the Emergency Rent Relief Act of 2020 after receiving $100 million through the federal Coronavirus Aid, Relief and Economic Security (CARES) Act. The program, administered through the Department of Homes and Community Renewal (DCHR), was designed to aid rent-burdened households that lost income during the pandemic, but advocates say it's eligibility criteria was too restrictive to reach those who needed it — it did not cover tenants who received unemployment or cash benefits, Section 8 Housing Choice Vouchers, public housing residents with rent more than 30 percent of their household income or those who earned more than 80 percent of area median income (which is $81,920 for a family of three).
Now, state lawmakers are taking a third pass at amending the program to reach more tenants quickly, with an updated version of the original legislation being debated in the Senate this week (the Senate Housing Committee voted to move the bill to the Finance Committee on Tuesday.) The amendments to the bill, sponsored by Kavanagh and Assemblymember Steven Cymbrowitz, focus on including the $1.3 billion allocated to New York for rent relief in the Trump administration's December stimulus package, as well as the estimated $1.5 billion in aid that's expected to be included in the Biden administration's COVID relief package.
"If President [Biden] gets his stimulus package passed, the program that the Senator wrote also incorporates those funds. So a total of over $2.8 billion will be to rent, which we think will cover most of, if not all, of the rental risk that has occurred during the COVID period," said Stanley Davis, a spokesperson for Kavanagh.
But tenant advocate groups have slammed the bill as spelling the end of the "cancel rent" movement in New York — an effort to have rent erased in full for eligible tenants and property owners, rather than paying it back through emergency funds. Kavanagh's bill "would force tenants to fill out forms and beg and fight with other tenants to get rent relief," argues the Crown Heights Tenant Union, which staged a protest against the bill outside the senator's home last weekend.
They and other housing groups are calling instead for the passage of the COVID-19 Housing Relief and Recovery For All Act, also known as the Rent and Mortgage Cancellation Act of 2020, which would cancel rents and mortgage payments for the duration of the crisis, with some relief for landlords who demonstrate financial hardship due to the pandemic.
A slow start, and an amended rent relief program
The original COVID-19 Emergency Rental Assistance Program (CERAP) received $100 million in federal monies through the federal CARES Act when it was passed in March of last year. The program received nearly 83,000 completed applications online and an additional 11,000 paper applications. According to an October report, an estimated $40 million was distributed to more than 15,000 New York households this past summer – but another $60 million of the program's funds went unspent.
Of those who applied for relief during the first round, more than 57,000 applicants received denial notices due to the program's initial eligibility criteria, which required households to have been considered "rent burdened" — spending at least 30 percent of their monthly income on rent — prior to the pandemic in order to qualify.
The state legislature then extended the program with COVID Rent Relief Extension Program, and broadened the eligibility requirements for applicants after the Trump administration allocated an estimated $1.3 billion towards rent relief for New York State. Additionally, the program would allow those ineligible applications to be automatically reviewed under the new criteria, and renters had another shot to apply up until Feb. 1.
So far, DCHR received more than 15,000 additional completed applications from relief-seekers during that second round, in addition to the applications that were denied during the first round who may be eligible under the new criteria. Those applications are currently under review and awaiting approval, according to the state, and it's not clear how many will be approved to receive aid payments.
The amended version of the bill currently in the state legislature would look to open the program for another application period that would begin within 14 days of the effective date of the legislation, and would be available online and by phone for up to six months or until program funds have been fully used. Under this version of the program, eligible applications would be approved to receive up to one year of rent arrears and utility arrears, with the possibility of an additional three months of rent and utilities if there is funding available for initial applicants.
Households earning below 80 percent of the median income for their area that are facing COVID-19 related hardships and housing instability would be eligible, regardless of immigration status. It would prioritize households earning below 50 percent of the AMI, ($51,200 for a family of three) or those with long-term unemployment at the time of application, including households ranging from mobile home tenants, victims of domestic violence, tenants who apply jointly with their landlord, or those with pending eviction cases, according to Kavanagh's office.
Landlords would be restricted from evicting eligible applicants, charging late fees on rental arrears, raising the rent or evicting the tenant for one year after they receive CERAP assistance.
The legislation would also include more flexible criteria for other existing rent assistance programs, which would allow more funding to be distributed. This includes changes to the "One Shot Deal" emergency cash assistance program which helps households who are facing an expense due to an unexpected situation or event, and gives preference to those households with a filed eviction case. The amendment would allow households to receive rental arrears assistance without having an eviction case brought against them.
Tenants and landlords want relief, but take different paths
Advocacy groups for both tenants and landlords want more relief, more immediately.
Tenant and housing advocacy groups such as Housing Justice for All say the complex application process for the current rent relief program is difficult for many tenants looking for immediate relief, and the burden of proof lies on the applicant, said coalition member John August Bridgeford.
Bridgeford said many tenants have reached out with complaints about the application process lacking transparency and being complicated. The Housing Justice for All coalition has demanded full cancelation of rent for all tenants and a hardship fund for landlords to prove their need before receiving public money, and has also called for several bills which would raise taxes on wealthier New Yorkers.
The group has thrown their support instead towards the following three bills: the Housing Access Voucher Program, also introduced by Kavanagh and Cymbrowitz, which would provide housing vouchers for eligible individuals and families who are homeless, or who face an imminent loss of housing. The Housing Trust Fund Corporation would oversee the program, and state and local public housing agencies would administer it.
The two other pieces of legislation were introduced by State Senator Julia Salazar: the first is the Good Cause Eviction bill, which would restrict landlords from evicting a tenant or refusing a lease renewal without showing "good cause." The second is the COVID-19 Housing Relief and Recovery For All Act, which would cancel rent and mortgage payments for renters and small homeowners for the duration of the crisis.
Landlord groups, meanwhile, are supportive of Kavanagh's rent relief bill but raised concerns that the federal funding it pulls from will not be available soon enough to restart the economic recovery process. Currently, the Cuomo administration wants to include the federal $1.3 billion in rent relief funds for New York in the upcoming state budget. But the Rent Stabilization Association (RSA), which represents 25,000 landlords, is urging Albany lawmakers to immediately move a state budget bill to provide guidance on the distribution of those federal rent relief funds.
"The Governor must give the legislature a message of necessity, and the legislature must pass an immediate appropriation so that the agencies charged with the distribution of $1.3 billion in federal rent relief can start processing applications and doling out the funds," said Joseph Strasburg, president of the Rent Stabilization Association. "There is no need to wait for the April 1 state budget to be put in pace. The interests of tenants and landlords are aligned for the benefit of families and our ravaged economy."
"Everyone wants to avoid the red tape we saw with the $100 million COVID Rent Relief Program – the State is still sitting on $60 million of undistributed funds," Strasburg added. "They can avoid delays in delivering desperately needed help to millions of struggling New Yorkers so they can pay their rent and landlords can pay their property taxes and repair and maintain their buildings for the safety and comfort of their tenants."
In December, the state enacted the COVID-19 Emergency Eviction and Foreclosure Prevention Act of 2020, introduced by State Senator Zellnor Myrie, which restricts landlords from evicting New York tenants and property owners who are facing financial hardship during the pandemic until May 1, 2021. In order to qualify, tenants and property owners must submit a hardship declaration to the landlord, the court, or an officer enforcing an eviction (hardship forms for tenants, here and in Spanish here and hardship for landlords here and in Spanish here).
NYC entertainment venues to reopen at low capacity starting April 2
Mar. 3, 2021
Tenant and landlord advocacy groups are pushing state legislators for immediate financial help for households and property owners facing financial difficulties during the pandemic. Some state lawmakers, meanwhile, say they are awaiting federal funds from the Biden administration and preparing legislation for how to use that money towards housing and rent relief.
The mounting cost of rent arrears has pressured advocates and community groups to protest over the past few days outside of housing court and state legislators' private residences. A September analysis, based largely on the Household Pulse Survey by the U.S. Census Bureau, estimated New York State could see between 800,000 to 1.23 million households unable to pay rent and at risk for eviction at the start of 2021, and facing rent debt between $2.5 to $3.4 billion. The office of State Senator Brian Kavanagh, who chairs the Senate's Committee on Housing, Construction and Community Development, says the estimate is currently bordering $2.2 billion in rent debt.
Advocacy groups say the economic impact of the pandemic could be devastating for the state and city's own recovery efforts. Tenant advocates assert that many tenants cannot pay landlords the rent, while landlord groups argue that they cannot afford to pay property taxes without rental income. Most recently, the city's Comptroller analysis on the city's preliminary budget showed a significant decline, by 4.3 percent, in the city's property tax revenue – the largest drop since 1996.
Last May, the state legislature passed the Emergency Rent Relief Act of 2020 after receiving $100 million through the federal Coronavirus Aid, Relief and Economic Security (CARES) Act. The program, administered through the Department of Homes and Community Renewal (DCHR), was designed to aid rent-burdened households that lost income during the pandemic, but advocates say it's eligibility criteria was too restrictive to reach those who needed it — it did not cover tenants who received unemployment or cash benefits, Section 8 Housing Choice Vouchers, public housing residents with rent more than 30 percent of their household income or those who earned more than 80 percent of area median income (which is $81,920 for a family of three).
Now, state lawmakers are taking a third pass at amending the program to reach more tenants quickly, with an updated version of the original legislation being debated in the Senate this week (the Senate Housing Committee voted to move the bill to the Finance Committee on Tuesday.) The amendments to the bill, sponsored by Kavanagh and Assemblymember Steven Cymbrowitz, focus on including the $1.3 billion allocated to New York for rent relief in the Trump administration's December stimulus package, as well as the estimated $1.5 billion in aid that's expected to be included in the Biden administration's COVID relief package.
"If President [Biden] gets his stimulus package passed, the program that the Senator wrote also incorporates those funds. So a total of over $2.8 billion will be to rent, which we think will cover most of, if not all, of the rental risk that has occurred during the COVID period," said Stanley Davis, a spokesperson for Kavanagh.
But tenant advocate groups have slammed the bill as spelling the end of the "cancel rent" movement in New York — an effort to have rent erased in full for eligible tenants and property owners, rather than paying it back through emergency funds. Kavanagh's bill "would force tenants to fill out forms and beg and fight with other tenants to get rent relief," argues the Crown Heights Tenant Union, which staged a protest against the bill outside the senator's home last weekend.
They and other housing groups are calling instead for the passage of the COVID-19 Housing Relief and Recovery For All Act, also known as the Rent and Mortgage Cancellation Act of 2020, which would cancel rents and mortgage payments for the duration of the crisis, with some relief for landlords who demonstrate financial hardship due to the pandemic.
A slow start, and an amended rent relief program
The original COVID-19 Emergency Rental Assistance Program (CERAP) received $100 million in federal monies through the federal CARES Act when it was passed in March of last year. The program received nearly 83,000 completed applications online and an additional 11,000 paper applications. According to an October report, an estimated $40 million was distributed to more than 15,000 New York households this past summer – but another $60 million of the program's funds went unspent.
Of those who applied for relief during the first round, more than 57,000 applicants received denial notices due to the program's initial eligibility criteria, which required households to have been considered "rent burdened" — spending at least 30 percent of their monthly income on rent — prior to the pandemic in order to qualify.
The state legislature then extended the program with COVID Rent Relief Extension Program, and broadened the eligibility requirements for applicants after the Trump administration allocated an estimated $1.3 billion towards rent relief for New York State. Additionally, the program would allow those ineligible applications to be automatically reviewed under the new criteria, and renters had another shot to apply up until Feb. 1.
So far, DCHR received more than 15,000 additional completed applications from relief-seekers during that second round, in addition to the applications that were denied during the first round who may be eligible under the new criteria. Those applications are currently under review and awaiting approval, according to the state, and it's not clear how many will be approved to receive aid payments.
The amended version of the bill currently in the state legislature would look to open the program for another application period that would begin within 14 days of the effective date of the legislation, and would be available online and by phone for up to six months or until program funds have been fully used. Under this version of the program, eligible applications would be approved to receive up to one year of rent arrears and utility arrears, with the possibility of an additional three months of rent and utilities if there is funding available for initial applicants.
Households earning below 80 percent of the median income for their area that are facing COVID-19 related hardships and housing instability would be eligible, regardless of immigration status. It would prioritize households earning below 50 percent of the AMI, ($51,200 for a family of three) or those with long-term unemployment at the time of application, including households ranging from mobile home tenants, victims of domestic violence, tenants who apply jointly with their landlord, or those with pending eviction cases, according to Kavanagh's office.
Landlords would be restricted from evicting eligible applicants, charging late fees on rental arrears, raising the rent or evicting the tenant for one year after they receive CERAP assistance.
The legislation would also include more flexible criteria for other existing rent assistance programs, which would allow more funding to be distributed. This includes changes to the "One Shot Deal" emergency cash assistance program which helps households who are facing an expense due to an unexpected situation or event, and gives preference to those households with a filed eviction case. The amendment would allow households to receive rental arrears assistance without having an eviction case brought against them.
Tenants and landlords want relief, but take different paths
Advocacy groups for both tenants and landlords want more relief, more immediately.
Tenant and housing advocacy groups such as Housing Justice for All say the complex application process for the current rent relief program is difficult for many tenants looking for immediate relief, and the burden of proof lies on the applicant, said coalition member John August Bridgeford.
Bridgeford said many tenants have reached out with complaints about the application process lacking transparency and being complicated. The Housing Justice for All coalition has demanded full cancelation of rent for all tenants and a hardship fund for landlords to prove their need before receiving public money, and has also called for several bills which would raise taxes on wealthier New Yorkers.
The group has thrown their support instead towards the following three bills: the Housing Access Voucher Program, also introduced by Kavanagh and Cymbrowitz, which would provide housing vouchers for eligible individuals and families who are homeless, or who face an imminent loss of housing. The Housing Trust Fund Corporation would oversee the program, and state and local public housing agencies would administer it.
The two other pieces of legislation were introduced by State Senator Julia Salazar: the first is the Good Cause Eviction bill, which would restrict landlords from evicting a tenant or refusing a lease renewal without showing "good cause." The second is the COVID-19 Housing Relief and Recovery For All Act, which would cancel rent and mortgage payments for renters and small homeowners for the duration of the crisis.
Landlord groups, meanwhile, are supportive of Kavanagh's rent relief bill but raised concerns that the federal funding it pulls from will not be available soon enough to restart the economic recovery process. Currently, the Cuomo administration wants to include the federal $1.3 billion in rent relief funds for New York in the upcoming state budget. But the Rent Stabilization Association (RSA), which represents 25,000 landlords, is urging Albany lawmakers to immediately move a state budget bill to provide guidance on the distribution of those federal rent relief funds.
"The Governor must give the legislature a message of necessity, and the legislature must pass an immediate appropriation so that the agencies charged with the distribution of $1.3 billion in federal rent relief can start processing applications and doling out the funds," said Joseph Strasburg, president of the Rent Stabilization Association. "There is no need to wait for the April 1 state budget to be put in pace. The interests of tenants and landlords are aligned for the benefit of families and our ravaged economy."
"Everyone wants to avoid the red tape we saw with the $100 million COVID Rent Relief Program – the State is still sitting on $60 million of undistributed funds," Strasburg added. "They can avoid delays in delivering desperately needed help to millions of struggling New Yorkers so they can pay their rent and landlords can pay their property taxes and repair and maintain their buildings for the safety and comfort of their tenants."
In December, the state enacted the COVID-19 Emergency Eviction and Foreclosure Prevention Act of 2020, introduced by State Senator Zellnor Myrie, which restricts landlords from evicting New York tenants and property owners who are facing financial hardship during the pandemic until May 1, 2021. In order to qualify, tenants and property owners must submit a hardship declaration to the landlord, the court, or an officer enforcing an eviction (hardship forms for tenants, here and in Spanish here and hardship for landlords here and in Spanish here).
NYC entertainment venues to reopen at low capacity starting April 2
NY Post
Mar. 3, 2021
Gov. Andrew Cuomo announced Wednesday all arts and entertainment venues — such as Lincoln Center, Radio City Music Hall and Broadway theaters — will be allowed to reopen at low capacity starting April 2.
The venues can reopen at 33 percent capacity with up to 100 people indoors and up to 200 people outdoors, Cuomo said in a statement, adding that if the establishments decide to require proof of negative COVID-19 tests, then they can allow up to 150 people indoors and up to 500 people outdoors.
"New Yorkers have done a tremendous job working to defeat COVID, and we're gradually loosening restrictions as the numbers reduce and the public health improves. It's clear that if we remain vigilant, we will reach the light at the end of the tunnel," Cuomo said.
The governor warned that despite the loose restrictions, the public should remain vigilant and must continue to wash their hands, wear masks and social distance.
"This is a tough footrace, but the infection rate is down and the vaccination rate is up, and New Yorkers will get through this together as long as we stay in touch and keep this momentum heading in the right direction," he added.
Cuomo also announced that residential gatherings of up to 25 people can be held outdoors beginning on March 22.
However, the maximum number of people who can attend indoor residential gatherings will remain at 10 in order to reduce the spread of the coronavirus.
Additionally, Cuomo said non-residential social gatherings of up to 100 people can happen indoors, while outdoor events can hold up to 200 people.
New Schools Chancellor Meisha Ross Porter will continue efforts to improve digital divide among city students
Mar. 3, 2021
Gov. Andrew Cuomo announced Wednesday all arts and entertainment venues — such as Lincoln Center, Radio City Music Hall and Broadway theaters — will be allowed to reopen at low capacity starting April 2.
The venues can reopen at 33 percent capacity with up to 100 people indoors and up to 200 people outdoors, Cuomo said in a statement, adding that if the establishments decide to require proof of negative COVID-19 tests, then they can allow up to 150 people indoors and up to 500 people outdoors.
"New Yorkers have done a tremendous job working to defeat COVID, and we're gradually loosening restrictions as the numbers reduce and the public health improves. It's clear that if we remain vigilant, we will reach the light at the end of the tunnel," Cuomo said.
The governor warned that despite the loose restrictions, the public should remain vigilant and must continue to wash their hands, wear masks and social distance.
"This is a tough footrace, but the infection rate is down and the vaccination rate is up, and New Yorkers will get through this together as long as we stay in touch and keep this momentum heading in the right direction," he added.
Cuomo also announced that residential gatherings of up to 25 people can be held outdoors beginning on March 22.
However, the maximum number of people who can attend indoor residential gatherings will remain at 10 in order to reduce the spread of the coronavirus.
Additionally, Cuomo said non-residential social gatherings of up to 100 people can happen indoors, while outdoor events can hold up to 200 people.
New Schools Chancellor Meisha Ross Porter will continue efforts to improve digital divide among city students
News 12
Mar. 4, 2021
News 12's Kristie Reeter sat down with incoming New York City Schools Chancellor Meisha Ross Porter to discuss how the city plans to tackle the digital divide and the future of education.
Porter says safety is going to be a priority, like ensuring there's PPE in every school and that social distancing requirements are in place.
Porter also touched on the issue this week about how that the company in charge of Advanced Placement testing wouldn't let students take the test using city-issued iPads. Porter called the decision disappointing and says she hopes they'll reconsider.
She also says the city put 500,000 devices into the hands of students and hopes that by continuing to do so, they can close the digital divide.
Porter is a parent and has worked as a teacher, a principal, a superintendent and now will serve as the New York City Schools Chancellor. She says it's an honor, but one that she doesn't take lightly.
"We haven't been represented in so many leadership spaces and I think it's just important to acknowledge," Porter says. "You know, I'm a big fan of our vice president and she often talks about what her mom told her about make sure when you're the first, to make sure you're not the last, and I think it's super important to demonstrate to young women that there's a place for you and the seat is getting warmed up, and there are amazing women that are doing amazing things so that you can."
Opinion: Rezoning is an Opportunity to Plan SoHo's Future, For Artists and Beyond
Mar. 4, 2021
News 12's Kristie Reeter sat down with incoming New York City Schools Chancellor Meisha Ross Porter to discuss how the city plans to tackle the digital divide and the future of education.
Porter says safety is going to be a priority, like ensuring there's PPE in every school and that social distancing requirements are in place.
Porter also touched on the issue this week about how that the company in charge of Advanced Placement testing wouldn't let students take the test using city-issued iPads. Porter called the decision disappointing and says she hopes they'll reconsider.
She also says the city put 500,000 devices into the hands of students and hopes that by continuing to do so, they can close the digital divide.
Porter is a parent and has worked as a teacher, a principal, a superintendent and now will serve as the New York City Schools Chancellor. She says it's an honor, but one that she doesn't take lightly.
"We haven't been represented in so many leadership spaces and I think it's just important to acknowledge," Porter says. "You know, I'm a big fan of our vice president and she often talks about what her mom told her about make sure when you're the first, to make sure you're not the last, and I think it's super important to demonstrate to young women that there's a place for you and the seat is getting warmed up, and there are amazing women that are doing amazing things so that you can."
Opinion: Rezoning is an Opportunity to Plan SoHo's Future, For Artists and Beyond
City Limits
Mar. 3, 2021
The ongoing discussion around the SoHo rezoning continues to come back to the frustrating quality of life issues that have arisen over the years, including at a city-sponsored meeting last week. Those making the most noise against the rezoning seem to be missing the obvious — our hodgepodge of special permits, residential amnesties, grandfather rules and more are the reason this neighborhood is so disjointed.
Right now, we have an exciting opportunity to address some very real concerns about rezoning SoHo to allow for retail and open up this neighborhood beyond the outdated idea that the community should be exclusively reserved for artists, which should be modified to provide and include new affordable housing. While we need to be measured and careful in the way we approach this, the proposed rezoning is an opportunity to holistically plan for the future of SoHo.
Beyond quality of life issues, people who are very vocally opposing the rezoning seem to focus on a SoHo that doesn't exist anymore. We constantly hear the disingenuous claim that retail would destroy the neighborhood, as though this is not a globally iconic shopping area already.
This refusal to accept reality aligns with the ongoing debate about artist protections. I am a certified artist — the very person that many who oppose rezoning say they're trying to protect. I have lived in Soho for 40 years and loved watching this neighborhood change. But there are very few of us certified artists left. Over the years I've seen my artist friends start to leave for whatever reasons. While there are a few artists who can meet the antiquated application for artist certification, they are not willing or able to pay the cost of living to reside in SoHo. The fact of the matter is, if I were to apply for certification today, I may not be approved to live here.
Instead, I believe if we want to preserve SoHo, we must rezone within reason. To address the disjointed policies and permits that currently cause headaches, but also to save the stunning landmarked buildings at the heart of this debate. The only way to ensure that these buildings have the revenue to cover the high cost of maintaining buildings that have to go through the Landmarks Preservation Commission's review process, is to legalize retail. The cost of upkeep is astronomical, and if we do not rezone for ground floor retail to support this upkeep, these buildings will start to fall into disrepair, and residents will be hit with impossible assessments.
While the existing retail has been a lifesaver for co-ops to preserve their buildings, the special permit process is really only available to large retailers and wealthy, established brands. The unpredictable process can take up to two years, and small mom and pop shops or entrepreneurs starting out can ill afford the cost and uncertainty. As we look to clean up the mess that SoHo has gotten itself into, we must also ensure an equitable approach, which means removing costly barriers to access that only the privileged can afford.
We must not get caught up in the hubbub of what people say the residents of Soho want and center ourselves in the reality of our neighborhood. Opponents of the rezoning are simply making false claims that are decades outdated because we think we have some exclusionary right to dictate this community and want to keep it that way, or in fact turn back time. We don't own SoHo.
It's time for a new progressive era of Soho to begin. Let's gracefully usher it in.
Mary Rolland is a certified artist and SoHo resident since 1980.
De Blasio seeks partners to expand 5G, broadband access citywide
Mar. 3, 2021
The ongoing discussion around the SoHo rezoning continues to come back to the frustrating quality of life issues that have arisen over the years, including at a city-sponsored meeting last week. Those making the most noise against the rezoning seem to be missing the obvious — our hodgepodge of special permits, residential amnesties, grandfather rules and more are the reason this neighborhood is so disjointed.
Right now, we have an exciting opportunity to address some very real concerns about rezoning SoHo to allow for retail and open up this neighborhood beyond the outdated idea that the community should be exclusively reserved for artists, which should be modified to provide and include new affordable housing. While we need to be measured and careful in the way we approach this, the proposed rezoning is an opportunity to holistically plan for the future of SoHo.
Beyond quality of life issues, people who are very vocally opposing the rezoning seem to focus on a SoHo that doesn't exist anymore. We constantly hear the disingenuous claim that retail would destroy the neighborhood, as though this is not a globally iconic shopping area already.
This refusal to accept reality aligns with the ongoing debate about artist protections. I am a certified artist — the very person that many who oppose rezoning say they're trying to protect. I have lived in Soho for 40 years and loved watching this neighborhood change. But there are very few of us certified artists left. Over the years I've seen my artist friends start to leave for whatever reasons. While there are a few artists who can meet the antiquated application for artist certification, they are not willing or able to pay the cost of living to reside in SoHo. The fact of the matter is, if I were to apply for certification today, I may not be approved to live here.
Instead, I believe if we want to preserve SoHo, we must rezone within reason. To address the disjointed policies and permits that currently cause headaches, but also to save the stunning landmarked buildings at the heart of this debate. The only way to ensure that these buildings have the revenue to cover the high cost of maintaining buildings that have to go through the Landmarks Preservation Commission's review process, is to legalize retail. The cost of upkeep is astronomical, and if we do not rezone for ground floor retail to support this upkeep, these buildings will start to fall into disrepair, and residents will be hit with impossible assessments.
While the existing retail has been a lifesaver for co-ops to preserve their buildings, the special permit process is really only available to large retailers and wealthy, established brands. The unpredictable process can take up to two years, and small mom and pop shops or entrepreneurs starting out can ill afford the cost and uncertainty. As we look to clean up the mess that SoHo has gotten itself into, we must also ensure an equitable approach, which means removing costly barriers to access that only the privileged can afford.
We must not get caught up in the hubbub of what people say the residents of Soho want and center ourselves in the reality of our neighborhood. Opponents of the rezoning are simply making false claims that are decades outdated because we think we have some exclusionary right to dictate this community and want to keep it that way, or in fact turn back time. We don't own SoHo.
It's time for a new progressive era of Soho to begin. Let's gracefully usher it in.
Mary Rolland is a certified artist and SoHo resident since 1980.
De Blasio seeks partners to expand 5G, broadband access citywide
Crain's
Mar. 3, 2021
Positioning internet access as a critical aspect of the city's recovery, Mayor Bill de Blasio says his office will advance efforts for wider broadband coverage and next-generation 5G cellular service.
The city on Wednesday released a request for proposals for a $157 million investment in expanding broadband to 600,000 New Yorkers, an initiative the mayor first promised in the summer of 2020 and has been criticized for not acting on more quickly.
Separately, de Blasio said telecom installers will be able to bid for the right to install 5G telecom equipment on 7,500 street poles and other municipal infrastructure. The process will expand the reach of the new cellular service, which will offer download speeds 20 times faster than the current 4G LTE.
Both efforts will help close the digital divide in the city, the mayor said. Roughly 29% of households here do not have a home broadband subscription. Among households below the poverty line, the percentage without home broadband climbs to half.
"Recovery for all means everyone having the same opportunity to participate—everyone having affordable broadband and more people having access to 5G," de Blasio said. "It also means more jobs as we intensify the presence of 5G. It is part of our economic comeback."
The broadband request for proposals, organized through the Mayor's Office of the Chief Technology Officer, will offer municipal resources to reach neighborhoods with limited internet access, including 200,000 public housing residents. The $157 million was set aside in the city budget passed in June, partly funded by $87 million reallocated from the city Police Department.
But the city did not take action on the timeline the mayor's office initially promised. De Blasio said in an announcement on July 7 that the city would find partnerships for the program by the end of the summer, with a goal to reach all 600,000 residents by 2022.
John Paul Farmer, the city's chief technology officer, said broadband would still reach those residents by the end of the year. The deadline for proposals is April 19.
De Blasio came into office seven years ago pledging to hold internet providers accountable for the digital divide, but the number without reliable access has remained stubbornly high around 1.5 million.
"This is a story of companies not doing the right thing for working people and people of color and getting away with it," de Blasio said. "We are trying to fix that now, but I sure as hell wish the federal and state laws were tougher on these companies and did more to ensure full access."
In the fall of 2020 the mayor announced a legal settlement with Verizon that requires the company to expand Fios broadband service to 500,000 homes by 2023. The de Blasio administration had sued Verizon in 2017, saying the company had not lived up to the 2008 contract with the Bloomberg administration.
Verizon, in part, blamed uncooperative landlords for not allowing connections to the broadband wire it spent billions to install.
5G
The mayor's announcement on cellular connection follows a pledge during his State of the City speech in January to make 2021 the "Year of 5G."
The 7,500 new light poles and other city locations opening to installers for telecom equipment will more than double the 6,000 poles currently available.
Starting this month, the city will open 1,500 poles for bidding every three months through 2022. Three-quarters of the poles made available will be in the outer boroughs or above 96th Street in Manhattan.
A year into remote learning, de Blasio starts seeking bids for low-cost broadband access
Mar. 3, 2021
Positioning internet access as a critical aspect of the city's recovery, Mayor Bill de Blasio says his office will advance efforts for wider broadband coverage and next-generation 5G cellular service.
The city on Wednesday released a request for proposals for a $157 million investment in expanding broadband to 600,000 New Yorkers, an initiative the mayor first promised in the summer of 2020 and has been criticized for not acting on more quickly.
Separately, de Blasio said telecom installers will be able to bid for the right to install 5G telecom equipment on 7,500 street poles and other municipal infrastructure. The process will expand the reach of the new cellular service, which will offer download speeds 20 times faster than the current 4G LTE.
Both efforts will help close the digital divide in the city, the mayor said. Roughly 29% of households here do not have a home broadband subscription. Among households below the poverty line, the percentage without home broadband climbs to half.
"Recovery for all means everyone having the same opportunity to participate—everyone having affordable broadband and more people having access to 5G," de Blasio said. "It also means more jobs as we intensify the presence of 5G. It is part of our economic comeback."
The broadband request for proposals, organized through the Mayor's Office of the Chief Technology Officer, will offer municipal resources to reach neighborhoods with limited internet access, including 200,000 public housing residents. The $157 million was set aside in the city budget passed in June, partly funded by $87 million reallocated from the city Police Department.
But the city did not take action on the timeline the mayor's office initially promised. De Blasio said in an announcement on July 7 that the city would find partnerships for the program by the end of the summer, with a goal to reach all 600,000 residents by 2022.
John Paul Farmer, the city's chief technology officer, said broadband would still reach those residents by the end of the year. The deadline for proposals is April 19.
De Blasio came into office seven years ago pledging to hold internet providers accountable for the digital divide, but the number without reliable access has remained stubbornly high around 1.5 million.
"This is a story of companies not doing the right thing for working people and people of color and getting away with it," de Blasio said. "We are trying to fix that now, but I sure as hell wish the federal and state laws were tougher on these companies and did more to ensure full access."
In the fall of 2020 the mayor announced a legal settlement with Verizon that requires the company to expand Fios broadband service to 500,000 homes by 2023. The de Blasio administration had sued Verizon in 2017, saying the company had not lived up to the 2008 contract with the Bloomberg administration.
Verizon, in part, blamed uncooperative landlords for not allowing connections to the broadband wire it spent billions to install.
5G
The mayor's announcement on cellular connection follows a pledge during his State of the City speech in January to make 2021 the "Year of 5G."
The 7,500 new light poles and other city locations opening to installers for telecom equipment will more than double the 6,000 poles currently available.
Starting this month, the city will open 1,500 poles for bidding every three months through 2022. Three-quarters of the poles made available will be in the outer boroughs or above 96th Street in Manhattan.
A year into remote learning, de Blasio starts seeking bids for low-cost broadband access
Chalkbeat
Mar. 3, 2021
As New York City approaches its year anniversary of remote schooling — an experience marred for many by spotty internet connections — officials are now taking steps to establish affordable broadband access.
The move, however, won't help students this school year.
The city is seeking proposals from internet and telecommunications companies to create and manage new, open-access fiber cable networks, with the ultimate goal of expanding low-cost broadband service, Mayor Bill de Blasio said Wednesday. The city will commit $157 million in capital dollars to the project targeting more than 30 high-need neighborhoods across all five boroughs that were hardest hit by the coronavirus pandemic and also lack enough broadband infrastructure.
"When it turned out so many people had to work remotely, kids needed to learn remotely, people needed to go online to get their COVID appointments — when all of that became more and more of our lives, those inequalities became sharper," de Blasio told reporters. "The digital divide has been a problem for a long time, but now we see just how urgent it is to close that divide."
Despite the urgency, the low-cost broadband services may not even be available by the start of next school year, when some form of remote learning remains likely. The mayor has implied that families may have the choice to opt for online learning again next year, saying that he wants to fully reopen schools for "every student that wants to learn in person." Also, in a broad framework outlining the approach for the next school year, De Blasio plans to include tailored digital lessons to catch students up in subjects where they've fallen behind.
The mayor's call for proposals comes two months after New York City released an "Internet Master Plan" laying out the city's plan for broadening internet access and more than six years after de Blasio initially promised to create high-speed networks across the city.
The new networks would be "shared by multiple operators to lower costs, increase competition, minimize physical disruption to the city, and incentivize private-sector investments to reach and serve customers," according to the master plan.
Big questions still remain, such as when exactly this option would become available for families.
The first round of contracts, which will focus on acquiring and constructing infrastructure that enables broadband internet, won't be issued until November 2021, unless city funding becomes available sooner, according to the city's request for proposals.
"The infrastructure projects are a significant undertaking and are meant to change the broadband landscape for the long-term," Alexis Wichowski, the city's deputy chief technology officer for innovation, wrote in an email.
Since the start of the coronavirus pandemic last March, the lack of or unreliable internet has been a major barrier for many New York City students to remote learning.
Nearly one-fifth of New York City residents lack both home and mobile broadband service, while 40% of residents have only one or the other, according to the Internet Master Plan. Comptroller Scott Stringer's office found that a basic internet plan costs an average $40 a month in New York City, where about 45% of low-income families don't have a connection, and 100,000 city children live in homes without internet.
At the start of the pandemic, many internet companies began offering free service deals, but those were temporary. Initially, some companies denied those deals to customers who had outstanding bill debt, but after Chalkbeat reported on the issue, the companies reversed course.
Over the past year, city officials purchased 500,000 internet-connected iPads for students, but those devices often became useless for students without WiFi who lived in areas with spotty access to cellular data, such as parts of the Bronx. That was especially problematic for homeless students in family shelters without Wi-Fi connection, forcing children to miss lessons or entire days of school. The city has since promised to wire up every family shelter with WiFi, but that work won't be complete until the summer, after school is out. The city is being sued to speed up the work.
Several public officials have proposed broadband solutions.
Gov. Andrew Cuomo has called for a $15-a-month cap on internet fees for low-income families. Stringer, who is running for mayor, urged the city to subsidize internet for low-income students. State Sen. Shelley Mayer, a Westchester Democrat who chairs her chamber's education committee, has proposed a bill that would offer free high-speed internet to all K-12 children across the state by raising assessments on telecommunications companies.
The city's plan is a step in the right direction, said Valerie White, executive director of LISC NYC, a nonprofit that focuses on investment in historically underserved neighborhoods. If service won't be available for students before next school year, the city should focus on improving tech literacy and connectivity however they can. One solution could be instructional training over the summer on navigating technology for families who still feel in the dark, she said.
"We have generational homes that may not have the same comfortability with utilizing technology, the internet," White said.
As Online Shopping Surged, Amazon Planned Its New York Takeover
Mar. 3, 2021
As New York City approaches its year anniversary of remote schooling — an experience marred for many by spotty internet connections — officials are now taking steps to establish affordable broadband access.
The move, however, won't help students this school year.
The city is seeking proposals from internet and telecommunications companies to create and manage new, open-access fiber cable networks, with the ultimate goal of expanding low-cost broadband service, Mayor Bill de Blasio said Wednesday. The city will commit $157 million in capital dollars to the project targeting more than 30 high-need neighborhoods across all five boroughs that were hardest hit by the coronavirus pandemic and also lack enough broadband infrastructure.
"When it turned out so many people had to work remotely, kids needed to learn remotely, people needed to go online to get their COVID appointments — when all of that became more and more of our lives, those inequalities became sharper," de Blasio told reporters. "The digital divide has been a problem for a long time, but now we see just how urgent it is to close that divide."
Despite the urgency, the low-cost broadband services may not even be available by the start of next school year, when some form of remote learning remains likely. The mayor has implied that families may have the choice to opt for online learning again next year, saying that he wants to fully reopen schools for "every student that wants to learn in person." Also, in a broad framework outlining the approach for the next school year, De Blasio plans to include tailored digital lessons to catch students up in subjects where they've fallen behind.
The mayor's call for proposals comes two months after New York City released an "Internet Master Plan" laying out the city's plan for broadening internet access and more than six years after de Blasio initially promised to create high-speed networks across the city.
The new networks would be "shared by multiple operators to lower costs, increase competition, minimize physical disruption to the city, and incentivize private-sector investments to reach and serve customers," according to the master plan.
Big questions still remain, such as when exactly this option would become available for families.
The first round of contracts, which will focus on acquiring and constructing infrastructure that enables broadband internet, won't be issued until November 2021, unless city funding becomes available sooner, according to the city's request for proposals.
"The infrastructure projects are a significant undertaking and are meant to change the broadband landscape for the long-term," Alexis Wichowski, the city's deputy chief technology officer for innovation, wrote in an email.
Since the start of the coronavirus pandemic last March, the lack of or unreliable internet has been a major barrier for many New York City students to remote learning.
Nearly one-fifth of New York City residents lack both home and mobile broadband service, while 40% of residents have only one or the other, according to the Internet Master Plan. Comptroller Scott Stringer's office found that a basic internet plan costs an average $40 a month in New York City, where about 45% of low-income families don't have a connection, and 100,000 city children live in homes without internet.
At the start of the pandemic, many internet companies began offering free service deals, but those were temporary. Initially, some companies denied those deals to customers who had outstanding bill debt, but after Chalkbeat reported on the issue, the companies reversed course.
Over the past year, city officials purchased 500,000 internet-connected iPads for students, but those devices often became useless for students without WiFi who lived in areas with spotty access to cellular data, such as parts of the Bronx. That was especially problematic for homeless students in family shelters without Wi-Fi connection, forcing children to miss lessons or entire days of school. The city has since promised to wire up every family shelter with WiFi, but that work won't be complete until the summer, after school is out. The city is being sued to speed up the work.
Several public officials have proposed broadband solutions.
Gov. Andrew Cuomo has called for a $15-a-month cap on internet fees for low-income families. Stringer, who is running for mayor, urged the city to subsidize internet for low-income students. State Sen. Shelley Mayer, a Westchester Democrat who chairs her chamber's education committee, has proposed a bill that would offer free high-speed internet to all K-12 children across the state by raising assessments on telecommunications companies.
The city's plan is a step in the right direction, said Valerie White, executive director of LISC NYC, a nonprofit that focuses on investment in historically underserved neighborhoods. If service won't be available for students before next school year, the city should focus on improving tech literacy and connectivity however they can. One solution could be instructional training over the summer on navigating technology for families who still feel in the dark, she said.
"We have generational homes that may not have the same comfortability with utilizing technology, the internet," White said.
As Online Shopping Surged, Amazon Planned Its New York Takeover
NY Times
Mar. 4, 2021
When the pandemic gripped New York City, it propelled an enormous surge in online shopping that has not waned, even in a metropolis where stores are rarely far away. People who regularly bought online are now buying more, while those who started ordering to avoid exposure to the virus have been won over by the advantages.
The abrupt shift in shopping patterns has made New York a high-stakes testing ground for urban deliveries, with its sheer density both a draw and a logistical nightmare.
It has also highlighted the need for an unglamorous yet critical piece of the e-commerce infrastructure: warehouse space to store and sort packages and satisfy customer expectations for faster and faster delivery.
Amazon has spent the pandemic embarking on a warehouse shopping spree in New York, significantly expanding its footprint in the biggest and most lucrative market in the country.
It has snatched up at least nine new warehouses in the city, including a 1 million-plus square foot behemoth rising in Queens that will be its largest in New York, and today has at least 12 warehouses in the five boroughs. And it has added to its roster more than two dozen warehouses in suburbs surrounding the city.
No other large competitor has a single warehouse in the city and Amazon has largely left most of its chief rivals, like Wal-Mart and Target, behind.
"Amazon had people making deals," said Adam Gordon, whose real estate firm Wildflower owns several warehouses in the city. "And they were outcompeting.
While New York's narrow streets, chronic traffic jams and brutal lack of parking are all formidable challenges, the city also has a severe shortage of warehouses just when they are most needed to properly grease an efficient delivery system.
New York has about 128 million square feet of industrial space, far less than many smaller cities. Indianapolis, whose population is just one-tenth that of New York's, has nearly double the space. Chicago is the nation's leader with more than 1.2 billion square feet.
Many packages come to New York from New Jersey and Pennsylvania, where there is room to build bigger and cheaper warehouses. And in the past year Amazon has added 14 new warehouses in New Jersey and on Long Island, totaling more than 7 million square feet.
But having warehouses in the city is more cost effective and can trim roughly 20 percent off delivery expenses compared with deliveries that originate in New Jersey.
"We are excited to continue to invest in the state of New York by adding new delivery stations," said Deborah Bass, an Amazon spokeswoman, adding that the company's goal was to "become part of the fabric of New York City by embracing the people, the needs, and the spirit of the community."
Amazon's rapid expansion in New York has also drawn more scrutiny to the treatment of its workers, an issue that the company has faced in other parts of the country. Amazon has sought to quash efforts by warehouse employees to form unions — including on Staten Island — and a high-profile battle is currently being waged in Alabama.
In New York, the attorney general has sued Amazon over conditions at two of its local warehouses, accusing the company of failing to properly clean its buildings and conduct adequate contact-tracing, as well as of taking "swift retaliatory action" to silence employee complaints.
An Amazon spokeswoman disputed the allegations and said the company cared "deeply about the health and safety" of its workers.
Amazon's growth in New York comes two years after it abandoned plans to build a gleaming new headquarters in Queens. A chorus of lawmakers and progressive activists had opposed granting one of the world's wealthiest companies billions of dollars in government incentives that the giant retailer had won by making cities compete against each other.
But New York remains an alluring prize, and Amazon's string of warehouses in the city puts it in a strong position to benefit from the huge spike in online shopping set off by the pandemic.
Roughly 2.4 million packages are delivered in the city every day, nearly half a million more than before the pandemic, and city data shows that 80 percent of deliveries are to residential customers, compared with 40 percent before the outbreak.
The torrent of e-commerce crosses all categories: daily grocery deliveries have more than doubled, restaurant and prepared food deliveries have increased by 12 percent and household goods deliveries have jumped by 24 percent, according to an analysis by José Holguín-Veras and Cara Wang, professors at Rensselaer Polytechnic Institute who work on transportation issues.
"The challenge now is urban deliveries," Mr. Holguín-Veras said. "And if you look at the numbers, they are only going to increase."
While there will likely be some decline in orders as the outbreak eases, the overall trajectory is clear, experts say.
"The pandemic has accelerated the adoption of e-commerce by five years in one year because users have been forced to adapt," said Marc Palazzolo, a transportation consultant for Kearny, a consulting firm that has advised the city's business leaders on e-commerce.
By 2045, the total volume of freight moving through New York City is expected to hit 540 million tons a year, up from 365 million tons today, according to city data.
Still, the online shopping boom will only worsen problems like congestion and pollution that were already bad before the pandemic, sending flotillas of delivery trucks across the city and flooding sidewalks and lobbies with packages.
It has come during a perilous period for New York's small businesses, which have been battered by the pandemic with nearly 3,000 having closed for good as of last August, according to the most recent data available from the city comptroller's office.
Small businesses struggle to compete online with retailers that typically charge less for the same items and have a far more robust delivery infrastructure.
"Building e-commerce capabilities isn't easy,'' said Jonathan Bowles, executive director of the Center for an Urban Future, a research organization. "It requires a lot more than just having a website.''
For larger retailers, having warehouses closer to consumers will become more crucial in an increasingly competitive online market.
But the city, once a manufacturing center filled with factories, is not particularly welcoming. To try to protect residential neighborhoods from pollution and traffic, zoning rules limit the construction of warehouses to designated manufacturing districts.
"There's no more space to build new warehouses, so it's leaving most retailers out of the growth," said Gabriel Cepeda, the founder of Pickups Technologies, a storage and logistics company.
Construction is underway or about to begin on new factories that will have roughly 8.7 million square feet of space in all, including a 1.2 million square-foot UPS site in Red Hook, Brooklyn.
Three warehouses under construction will have multiple levels, which is common in Asia, and multiple loading docks that can be used by one company or divided among several. Amazon has signed leases at two of them.
The opening of warehouses has brought some economic benefits, leading to the hiring of thousands of workers — some part-time jobs start at $17.25 an hour — at a time when many city residents are jobless.
Mr. Cepeda is creating a homegrown distribution system of "mini-warehouses." He has recruited more than 1,000 residents in Manhattan and Brooklyn who will get paid to use their apartments to store goods for retailers and send them out for delivery.
Amazon, which owns Whole Foods, has also used the grocery stores to fulfill online orders, with its workers often outnumbering store customers.
Walmart had a warehouse in the Bronx through Jet.com, a now-defunct shopping site it owned, but later vacated the property, which is now leased by Amazon. Wal-Mart — which has no stores in the city — uses warehouses in Pennsylvania to serve online customers.
Target, which started same-day delivery in the city in 2017 and has about two dozen stores in New York, has used its stores as mini-distribution hubs, in part because it is cheaper to fulfill an online order in a store than at an out-of-town warehouse.
Many smaller companies are feeling the pressure to expand their online and delivery operations.
Stop & Shop has hired hundreds of workers to increase its online grocery service in the New York area, including at a warehouse in nearby Jersey City.
Pat LaFrieda Meat Purveyors, the butcher for many high-end restaurants, has spent more than $1 million on its online and retail sales operations, selling to shoppers on its website and through Amazon Fresh and ShopRite. That business made up as much as 90 percent of the company's sales in 2020, up from 15 percent before the pandemic.
"Home delivery will be prominent for the next decade," Mr. LaFrieda said. "It will be key to our success."
The company has reconfigured its New Jersey warehouse to prioritize retail sales and designed new packaging for online customers.
While Amazon is laying the foundation for online dominance in New York, Mr. Gordon, the owner of several warehouses, said other retailers would also need to become more nimble to respond to the new ways people are buying. The e-commerce demands also place added pressure on warehouse workers and drivers to fulfill and deliver orders on time, as customers now expect.
"Just-in-time delivery and last-mile delivery is what it means,'' Mr. Gordon said. "You need to be very close to your customer to provide the level of service that people now expect."
Mar. 4, 2021
When the pandemic gripped New York City, it propelled an enormous surge in online shopping that has not waned, even in a metropolis where stores are rarely far away. People who regularly bought online are now buying more, while those who started ordering to avoid exposure to the virus have been won over by the advantages.
The abrupt shift in shopping patterns has made New York a high-stakes testing ground for urban deliveries, with its sheer density both a draw and a logistical nightmare.
It has also highlighted the need for an unglamorous yet critical piece of the e-commerce infrastructure: warehouse space to store and sort packages and satisfy customer expectations for faster and faster delivery.
Amazon has spent the pandemic embarking on a warehouse shopping spree in New York, significantly expanding its footprint in the biggest and most lucrative market in the country.
It has snatched up at least nine new warehouses in the city, including a 1 million-plus square foot behemoth rising in Queens that will be its largest in New York, and today has at least 12 warehouses in the five boroughs. And it has added to its roster more than two dozen warehouses in suburbs surrounding the city.
No other large competitor has a single warehouse in the city and Amazon has largely left most of its chief rivals, like Wal-Mart and Target, behind.
"Amazon had people making deals," said Adam Gordon, whose real estate firm Wildflower owns several warehouses in the city. "And they were outcompeting.
While New York's narrow streets, chronic traffic jams and brutal lack of parking are all formidable challenges, the city also has a severe shortage of warehouses just when they are most needed to properly grease an efficient delivery system.
New York has about 128 million square feet of industrial space, far less than many smaller cities. Indianapolis, whose population is just one-tenth that of New York's, has nearly double the space. Chicago is the nation's leader with more than 1.2 billion square feet.
Many packages come to New York from New Jersey and Pennsylvania, where there is room to build bigger and cheaper warehouses. And in the past year Amazon has added 14 new warehouses in New Jersey and on Long Island, totaling more than 7 million square feet.
But having warehouses in the city is more cost effective and can trim roughly 20 percent off delivery expenses compared with deliveries that originate in New Jersey.
"We are excited to continue to invest in the state of New York by adding new delivery stations," said Deborah Bass, an Amazon spokeswoman, adding that the company's goal was to "become part of the fabric of New York City by embracing the people, the needs, and the spirit of the community."
Amazon's rapid expansion in New York has also drawn more scrutiny to the treatment of its workers, an issue that the company has faced in other parts of the country. Amazon has sought to quash efforts by warehouse employees to form unions — including on Staten Island — and a high-profile battle is currently being waged in Alabama.
In New York, the attorney general has sued Amazon over conditions at two of its local warehouses, accusing the company of failing to properly clean its buildings and conduct adequate contact-tracing, as well as of taking "swift retaliatory action" to silence employee complaints.
An Amazon spokeswoman disputed the allegations and said the company cared "deeply about the health and safety" of its workers.
Amazon's growth in New York comes two years after it abandoned plans to build a gleaming new headquarters in Queens. A chorus of lawmakers and progressive activists had opposed granting one of the world's wealthiest companies billions of dollars in government incentives that the giant retailer had won by making cities compete against each other.
But New York remains an alluring prize, and Amazon's string of warehouses in the city puts it in a strong position to benefit from the huge spike in online shopping set off by the pandemic.
Roughly 2.4 million packages are delivered in the city every day, nearly half a million more than before the pandemic, and city data shows that 80 percent of deliveries are to residential customers, compared with 40 percent before the outbreak.
The torrent of e-commerce crosses all categories: daily grocery deliveries have more than doubled, restaurant and prepared food deliveries have increased by 12 percent and household goods deliveries have jumped by 24 percent, according to an analysis by José Holguín-Veras and Cara Wang, professors at Rensselaer Polytechnic Institute who work on transportation issues.
"The challenge now is urban deliveries," Mr. Holguín-Veras said. "And if you look at the numbers, they are only going to increase."
While there will likely be some decline in orders as the outbreak eases, the overall trajectory is clear, experts say.
"The pandemic has accelerated the adoption of e-commerce by five years in one year because users have been forced to adapt," said Marc Palazzolo, a transportation consultant for Kearny, a consulting firm that has advised the city's business leaders on e-commerce.
By 2045, the total volume of freight moving through New York City is expected to hit 540 million tons a year, up from 365 million tons today, according to city data.
Still, the online shopping boom will only worsen problems like congestion and pollution that were already bad before the pandemic, sending flotillas of delivery trucks across the city and flooding sidewalks and lobbies with packages.
It has come during a perilous period for New York's small businesses, which have been battered by the pandemic with nearly 3,000 having closed for good as of last August, according to the most recent data available from the city comptroller's office.
Small businesses struggle to compete online with retailers that typically charge less for the same items and have a far more robust delivery infrastructure.
"Building e-commerce capabilities isn't easy,'' said Jonathan Bowles, executive director of the Center for an Urban Future, a research organization. "It requires a lot more than just having a website.''
For larger retailers, having warehouses closer to consumers will become more crucial in an increasingly competitive online market.
But the city, once a manufacturing center filled with factories, is not particularly welcoming. To try to protect residential neighborhoods from pollution and traffic, zoning rules limit the construction of warehouses to designated manufacturing districts.
"There's no more space to build new warehouses, so it's leaving most retailers out of the growth," said Gabriel Cepeda, the founder of Pickups Technologies, a storage and logistics company.
Construction is underway or about to begin on new factories that will have roughly 8.7 million square feet of space in all, including a 1.2 million square-foot UPS site in Red Hook, Brooklyn.
Three warehouses under construction will have multiple levels, which is common in Asia, and multiple loading docks that can be used by one company or divided among several. Amazon has signed leases at two of them.
The opening of warehouses has brought some economic benefits, leading to the hiring of thousands of workers — some part-time jobs start at $17.25 an hour — at a time when many city residents are jobless.
Mr. Cepeda is creating a homegrown distribution system of "mini-warehouses." He has recruited more than 1,000 residents in Manhattan and Brooklyn who will get paid to use their apartments to store goods for retailers and send them out for delivery.
Amazon, which owns Whole Foods, has also used the grocery stores to fulfill online orders, with its workers often outnumbering store customers.
Walmart had a warehouse in the Bronx through Jet.com, a now-defunct shopping site it owned, but later vacated the property, which is now leased by Amazon. Wal-Mart — which has no stores in the city — uses warehouses in Pennsylvania to serve online customers.
Target, which started same-day delivery in the city in 2017 and has about two dozen stores in New York, has used its stores as mini-distribution hubs, in part because it is cheaper to fulfill an online order in a store than at an out-of-town warehouse.
Many smaller companies are feeling the pressure to expand their online and delivery operations.
Stop & Shop has hired hundreds of workers to increase its online grocery service in the New York area, including at a warehouse in nearby Jersey City.
Pat LaFrieda Meat Purveyors, the butcher for many high-end restaurants, has spent more than $1 million on its online and retail sales operations, selling to shoppers on its website and through Amazon Fresh and ShopRite. That business made up as much as 90 percent of the company's sales in 2020, up from 15 percent before the pandemic.
"Home delivery will be prominent for the next decade," Mr. LaFrieda said. "It will be key to our success."
The company has reconfigured its New Jersey warehouse to prioritize retail sales and designed new packaging for online customers.
While Amazon is laying the foundation for online dominance in New York, Mr. Gordon, the owner of several warehouses, said other retailers would also need to become more nimble to respond to the new ways people are buying. The e-commerce demands also place added pressure on warehouse workers and drivers to fulfill and deliver orders on time, as customers now expect.
"Just-in-time delivery and last-mile delivery is what it means,'' Mr. Gordon said. "You need to be very close to your customer to provide the level of service that people now expect."
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